Nigeria is holding general elections on 25 February. Here is a list of all 18 presidential candidates:

Kola Abiola (PRP)
Kola Abiola is the son of the late Nigerian business tycoon and politician Moshood Abiola, the presumed winner of the 1993 elections which were cancelled by the country's military rulers.

A businessman like his father, his vice-presidential candidate is Zego Haruna, running for the People's Redemption Party (PRP).

Atiku Abubakar (PDP)
A former Vice-President, Atiku Abubakar, 75, is running for the presidency for the sixth time. His first attempt was in 1992.

The business tycoon served two terms as deputy to former President Olusegun Obasanjo, and was credited with making reforms to key sectors that helped kickstart economic growth.

However, he has been accused of various charges of corruption, all of which he denies.

He is representing the country's main opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), alongside his running mate, Delta state governor Ifeanyi Okowa.


Adebayo Adewole (SDP)
Adebayo Adewole is a lawyer, politician and businessman from western Ondo state. He is representing the Social Democratic Party (SDP), with his running mate Buhari Yusuf.

They promise:

A restructured, balanced, equitable and functional Nigerian Federation
A dynamic, productive, transformed and sustainable economy
A just, fair, egalitarian and peaceful nation
A conscious effort to open the political space for greater inclusion of youth and women in governance.


Malik Ado-Ibrahim (YPP)
Malik Ado-Ibrahim is a prince from the central state of Kogi state and the owner of energy company Bicenergy. He is also the founder of Formula One team Arrows A20.

In 2020, he was in the news for his marriage to Indimi Adama, daughter of billionaire oil businessman and philanthropist Mohammed Indimi.

He is representing the Young Progressives Party (YPP) and his vice-presidential candidate is Enyinna Kasarachi.

They promise to:

Harness the huge resources and talents in Nigeria's human capital wealth
Provide sufficient funds to supply various types of weapons for defence, deterrence and retaliation
Diversify the national economy by promoting solid minerals development
Promote national consciousness and Nigerian cultures.


Okwudili Anyajike (NRM)
Okwudili Anyadike won the ticket of the National Rescue Mission (NRM), defeating closest rival Bendicta Egbo.

He is contesting with Kyabo Muhammad as his vice-presidential candidate.

Ojei Chichi (APM)
Ojei Chichi is the only female presidential candidate in this year's election and will represent the Allied People's Movement (APM).

An administrator and politician from the southern state of Delta, her running mate is Ibrahim Mohammed.

Christopher Imumolen (AP)
Christopher Imumolen is a professor of engineering.

At 39, he is the youngest candidate on the ballot. He holds a PhD in engineering research and educational management. He is standing for the Accord Party (AP), with Bello Maru as his running mate.

Dumebi Kachikwu (ADC)
Dumebi Kachikwu is a businessman who owns local Roots Television.

He is running on behalf of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), with Buhari Ahmed as his vice-presidential candidate.

They promise to:

Invest heavily in infrastructural development
Grow Nigeria's capacity to refine its resources before exporting
Improve teachers' pay and educational infrastructure
Create a $30bn power-generating opportunity with 23,220 MW of power in the first two years
Tackle insecurity with modern technologies and by recruiting an additional one million soldiers into the Nigerian Army.


Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso (NNPP)
Rabiu Kwankwaso is a former governor of the north-western Kano state, where he introduced free education for local residents during his two terms.

He served as minister of defence from 2003-7 and vows to tackle the country's various security crises by recruiting an extra 750,000 soldiers, taking the army's size to one million.

A two-term governor, he was a senator between 2015 and 2019.

The 66-year-old, known for his trademark red cap, has previously been in both of Nigeria's biggest parties - the PDP and APC - before joining the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) last year

This is the third time he is seeking the country's highest office. His first two attempts failed in the party primaries.

His running mate is Odiri Idahosa.

Hamza al-Mustapha (AA)
Hamza al-Mustapha is a former chief security officer to former military leader General Sani Abacha.

After Abacha's death, he was jailed for more than 10 years over the killing of Moshood Abiola's wife, Kudirat.

He defeated one other candidate to emerge as flag-bearer for the Action Alliance (AA).

His vice-presidential candidate is Johnson Chukwuka.

They promise to:

Stabilise the economy and promote agriculture
Re-enforce the National Security Council to handle all matters of national security
Give priority to the security and welfare of the people
Tackle corruption by holding corrupt official accountable.


Daniel Nwanyanwu (ZLP)
Daniel Nwanyanwu is both presidential flag-bearer and national chairman of the Zenith Labour Party (ZLP).

He is contesting with Abubakar Ramalan as his vice-presidential candidate.

Peter Obi (LP)
A former governor of south-eastern Anambra state, where he has a strong track record, Peter Obi has an active support base on social media.

The 61-year-old portrays himself as "Mr Clean", in contrast to many Nigerian politicians who are accused of using public office to steal money.

However, he has been accused of tax avoidance and was mentioned in the Pandora Papers although he says he has done nothing wrong.

He was the vice-presidential candidate of the PDP alongside Atiku Abubakar in 2019 but last year switched to the Labour Party (LP).

His running mate is Yusuf Baba-Ahmed, a former senator from Kaduna State.

Adenuga Oluwafemi (BP)
Adenuga Oluwafemi is running on behalf of the Boot Party (BP), alongside Mustapha Turaki as his vice-presidential candidate.

They promise to:

Revive the economy to work for everyone by investing massively in infrastructural development
Prioritise use of "Made in Nigeria" products
Increase security in the north-east region and concentrate investment in solar energy in the part of the country
Declare a state of emergency on health.

Nnadi Osita (APP)
Nnadi Osita is contesting with Hamisu Isah for vice-president on behalf of the Action Peoples Party (APP).

Omoyele Sowore (AAC)
Omoyele Sowore is the founder and publisher of US-based news site, Sahara Reporters.

He is running for a second time after his previous attempt in 2019.

The publisher was arrested later that year for his "Revolution Now" protest which he intended to take across the country. He was later released and the detention declared illegal.

He shares the African Action Congress (AAC) ticket with Magashi Garba as the vice-presidential candidate.

They promise to:

Build a strong and productive economy that works for all
Set up an inter-agency "special & violent crimes task force" to respond to kidnappings and other security emergencies as they arise
Transform the country into a truly just and open democratic nation
Show commitment to the struggle for the total liberation of the Nigerian people.


Bola Tinubu (APC)
Bola Tinubu is a former two-term governor of the Lagos state, where he is credited with attracting foreign investment and improving public transport.

Briefly a senator in the early 1990s, he is contesting the presidential election for the first time, on the ticket of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

He faces various accusations of corruption and has even been linked to allegations of drug trafficking in the US, all of which he denies.

The 70-year-old has also released a video of him using an exercise bicycle to counter reports of his ill health.

Kashim Shettima, former governor of the north-eastern state of Borno, is his running mate.

Peter Umeadi (APGA)
Former chief judge of Anambra state, Peter Umeadi is also a professor of law.

He is representing the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), with Mohammed Koli as his running mate.

They promise to:

Employ every means - diplomatic, political, economic, social and cultural - to advance the image of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as the spiritual home of the black peoples of the world
To raise the quality of life of the common people and to ensure that all Nigerians have access to the prosperity and increased human scope of the 21st Century
Ensure that the Nigerian Armed Force is professionally trained, disciplined, equipped with every modern engine of war
Immediately upgrade the salaries, barracks, uniforms and personal welfare of both the Armed Forces and the Police.

Sani Yusuf (ADP)
A politician and businessman from the north-western Kano state, Sani Yusuf plans to end "systemic corruption" in Nigeria.

He is standing for the Action Democratic Party (ADP), alongside his vice-presidential candidate Udo Okoro.

They promise to:

Spend up to 15% of the annual budget on the education sector while making substantial investments in training quality teachers at all levels of the educational system
Diversify the economy through innovation, industrialisation and technological development in agriculture
Proactively support transparency and accountability by government institutions and officials.

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-64496042

nlfpmod

South East is well represented.
Asiwaju remains the best of them all

Full Profile of Atiku


Nigeria election 2023: Who is Atiku Abubakar of the PDP?

By Nduka Orjinmo
BBC News, Abuja
Atiku Abubakar is hoping it will be sixth-time lucky in his quest to be Nigeria's next president having fallen short on five previous attempts, the first in 1992.

The 76-year-old has circled the summits of public life for most of his career as a top civil servant, a vice-president, and a prominent businessman, making his fortune in the oil sector.

But the highest office in the land has eluded him, and in February 2023 he goes again, offering his credentials as a seasoned political operator and serial entrepreneur as the remedy for Nigeria's ills.

Africa's most populous country is facing soaring unemployment, widespread insecurity, high inflation, and a sluggish economy heavily dependent on fluctuating oil revenues.

Mr Abubakar's campaign is built on his success as vice-president between 1999 and 2007, where as head of the government's economic team he oversaw successful reforms in the telecommunications, pensions and banking sectors that led to jobs and GDP growth.

However, his critics point to accusations of financial impropriety against him which they say make him unsuitable for the top office in a country where corruption is a huge challenge.

He is accused of cronyism, especially when he oversaw the privatization of key government assets. He denies any wrongdoing and says the charges are politically motivated.

Mr Abubakar will be hoping to unite the fractured opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), where cracks have emerged since his victory at the primary in June.

Some influential southern governors begrudge his emergence, saying it was the turn of the south to produce Nigeria's next president after eight years of President Muhammadu Buhari, a northerner like Mr Abubakar.


Mr Abubakar has promised to unite aggrieved members of the PDP before the elections
His choice of a running mate has also stirred an open rebellion within the party, with many believing that the snub of the highly influential governor of Rivers state, Nyesom Wike, might prove costly.

A popular figure within the party, Mr Wike was considered the overwhelming favourite, having lost out in the presidential primary, but Mr Abubakar instead chose Delta state governor Ifeanyi Okowa.

Outside his party, Mr Abubakar faces a formidable opponent in Bola Tinubu, the candidate of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), and a bourgeoning youth-driven campaign led by the Labour Party's Peter Obi who is targeting votes in traditional PDP areas in southern Nigeria.

There is also the challenge of convincing young Nigerians that he is a suitable choice, given his age, and that he is a break from the political class many have lost confidence in.

An affable, enterprising figure, Mr Abubakar moves adroitly between the worlds of commerce and politics - qualities that, his supporters say, will help him unite the country and revive the economy.

He has been involved in Nigerian elections for decades and has recently fluctuated between the two dominant parties, the APC and PDP - where he was a founding member, seeking a shot at the presidency.

His first exit from the PDP, in 2006, coincided with an investigation into his record as vice-president, when he was accused of diverting $125m (£95m) worth of public funds towards his business interests.

Similar charges appeared in a 2010 US Senate report, which accused Mr Abubakar of having transferred $40m (£30.55m) of "suspect funds" to the US, using his American wife's bank account.

The charges have never been tried in court, and Mr Abubakar has rejected the allegations of corruption as politically motivated. In January 2019, he visited Washington DC, ending speculation that he was avoiding travel to the US because he might face arrest there.

Oil facilities in Lagos harbour
IMAGE SOURCE,GETTY IMAGES
Image caption,
Nigeria's economy relies heavily on its oil reserves - the largest in Africa
He appeals to voters who want a revival of the economy and national unity, after seeing Mr Buhari administer a period of economic stagnation and accusations of ethnicity in political appointments.

Mr Abubakar's reputation in business is linked to the spectacular rise of Intels, the oilfield logistics firm that he co-founded in 1982. From its original office in a shipping container, the company has grown into a multi-national, multi-billion naira operation, employing more than 10,000 people.

He has diverted part of his wealth to charitable causes, most notably establishing the prestigious American University in Adamawa state, northern Nigeria. The university has offered scholarships to some of the "Chibok girls" - survivors of a high-profile kidnapping by Islamist Boko Haram militants.

Mr Abubakar regards himself as a lucky beneficiary of the Western-style education offered at the university and fiercely opposed by Boko Haram. He was born in Adamawa to a devout Muslim family, and his father, a Fulani tradesman and herder, was briefly jailed for preventing him from attending school.

"Father was responding typically with fear and anxiety to the onslaught of change in Nigeria," Mr Abubakar wrote sympathetically in his autobiography.

After finishing his studies, he joined the customs service, serving at Lagos port and airport. "Corruption was rife in Customs but I was not part of it," he wrote. "I saw Customs… as a way of making money for the government."

While still a civil servant, Mr Abubakar began buying property and farmland for commercial purposes, eventually moving into the emerging market for oil and gas services. "I recognised very early in life that I have a good nose for business," he wrote in a chapter of his autobiography entitled, Making Money.

His career in customs brought him into contact with the military and political elite, two categories that have been interchangeable for much of Nigeria's recent history. Mr Abubakar grew close to the former army major, Shehu Musa Yar'Adua, regarding him as a political mentor.

While Nigeria was still under military rule, the two men began networking with other regional leaders, hoping to form a credible government-in-waiting.

In 1989, Mr Abubakar quit the civil service to dedicate himself to politics. He made his first presidential run in 1992, as a candidate for the faction that had gathered around Shehu Yar'Adua. He stepped down after coming third in the first round, and the election itself was later cancelled by the military government.


Many consider this Mr Abubakar's last shot at the presidency
The repression intensified in the 1990s under the dictatorship of Gen Sani Abacha. Mr Abubakar was briefly exiled in London, while his mentor, Shehu Yar'Adua, was sent to prison, where he eventually died.

Mr Abubakar returned to Nigeria in 1997 as Gen Abacha relaxed his grip on power. He became vice-president after the elections in 1999 installed the PDP candidate, Olusegun Obasanjo, in the presidency.

During two terms in office, he oversaw a series of privatisations, earning praise as a liberaliser in some quarters, and criticism elsewhere as a crony capitalist.

In his autobiography, he took credit for reforming the banking sector, the auction of mobile phone licences, as well as for an economic boom that enabled Nigeria to pay off much of its debt.

Mr Abubakar, from north-eastern Adamawa state, says he will bring back the good times if elected president in 2023.

He has four wives and 28 children.

Full Profile Bola Tinubu

Nigeria election 2023: Who is Bola Tinubu of the APC?

Bola Tinubu wields enormous power in western Nigeria politics
By Nduka Orjinmo
BBC News, Abuja
Bola Tinubu, 70, widely credited with reshaping Nigeria's commercial hub Lagos, will lead the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) into February's presidential election but he faces a reinvigorated opposition, allegations of corruption, and health issues as he eyes one of Africa's most daunting jobs.

Once forced into exile by military ruler Sani Abacha, Mr Tinubu knows the value of freedom and wears it as an insignia on his signature hat - a broken shackle that looks like a horizontal figure of eight.

A trained accountant, it was the activities of the pro-democracy National Democratic Coalition (Nadeco) group, where he was a member, that brought him into Abacha's crosshairs.

The opposition of groups like Nadeco, and Abacha's death in 1998, ushered in Nigeria's democracy in 1999 and in many ways, Mr Tinubu, a former Mobil oil executive, feels entitled to Nigeria's presidency.

He will be banking on his experience in politics and huge influence across the country to win the election, where he will face stiff competition from former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, who is standing for the main opposition People's Democratic Party (PDP), and a burgeoning campaign by the Labour Party's Peter Obi, who is hugely popular with urban voters.

If Mr Tinubu, known as "Jagaban" by supporters, gets the top job, he would be looking to unify a country divided across regional lines, tackle widespread insecurity, create jobs and bring down rising inflation.

But it is not a job that fazes him. He has pointed to his time as Lagos state governor between 1999 and 2007 to sell his candidacy to Nigerians.

Under his tenure, Lagos massively grew its income through huge foreign investment, while a public transport scheme that saw new lanes created for rapid buses eased the notorious traffic jams faced daily by commuters.


Despite its enormous wealth, Lagos has not been able to solve its notorious traffic jams by completing a light rail project started by Mr Tinubu
But the city of around 25 million people has not lived up to its reputation as a megacity despite his claims of turning it around.

Public infrastructure is largely in a state of disrepair - basic amenities such as water and public housing are decrepit, while a light rail project started during his reign has not been completed almost 20 years later despite the riches of the state.

He has also been accused of keeping a grip on state finances despite leaving office in 2007.

Every governor that has succeeded him has been a protégé following a "grand roadmap", while one that dared to find his own path was quickly brought to heel, aided by powerful transport union members.

There are also allegations of corruption against Mr Tinubu, which he denies.

Two years ago, Dapo Apara, an accountant at Alpha-beta, a firm where Mr Tinubu purportedly holds stakes through a crony, accused him of using the firm for money laundering, fraud, tax evasion and other corrupt practices.

Mr Tinubu was sued despite him and Alpha-beta denying the allegations but all parties decided to settle out of court last June.

Such allegations, including twice facing Nigeria's Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT), on allegations of breaching the code of public officers - where he was cleared - make opponents say Mr Tinubu is not the right man for the job in a country where corruption is high.

In the last election, a brazen display of an armoured van used by banks to move money driving into his palatial compound in the Ikoyi area of Lagos fuelled suspicions that he was involved in vote-buying, which he made no great effort to deny.

"If I have money, if I like, I give it to the people free of charge, as long as [it's] not to buy votes," he said.

He is one of Nigeria's richest politicians but there are questions about his wealth.

In December, he told the BBC that he inherited some real estate which he then invested, but in the past he also said he became an "instant millionaire" while working as an auditor at Deloitte and Touche.

He said he had saved $1.8m (£1.5m) from his wages and other allowances, nearly the same amount found in accounts linked to him in a 1993 dispute with the US authorities.

In documents that are publicly available, the US Department of Justice alleged that from early 1988, accounts opened in the name of Bola Tinubu held the proceeds of sales of white heroin.

Kevin Moss, the special agent that investigated the operation, alleged that Mr Tinubu worked for their prime suspect Adegoboyega Akande.

While the court confirmed it had cause to believe the money in the bank accounts were the proceeds of drug trafficking, Mr Tinubu and the others denied the allegations, and the court never made a final order about the money's origins.

Instead, Mr Tinubu, who was not personally charged over the money, reached a compromise settlement with authorities and forfeited $460,000.

Mr Tinubu also faces questions about his health, once posting an eight-second video of him riding an exercise bike as proof-of-life.

Opponents say his age is catching up with him and point to videos of various gaffes at campaign rallies where it can be hard to understand what he's saying.

Many Nigerians are wary of another president with health issues after President Umaru Yar'Adua died in office in 2010 and a current president who has spent considerable time getting medical treatment abroad.

But his supporters say he has the stamina for the job and is not competing for a spot at the Olympics.

Mr Tinubu (L) claims to have helped both Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo (C) and President Buhari (R) into office
There has also been some controversy about his choice of a running-mate.

Mr Tinubu, a southern Muslim, picked former Borno state governor Kashim Shettima, a northern Muslim, as his vice.

This move was seen as appeasing Nigeria's Muslim-majority north which has the largest voting bloc in the country.

However, it drew the ire of many Christians who say it went against the tradition of mixed-faith tickets for the presidency.

He defended his choice, saying he went for competence over primordial interests.

He is seen as the political godfather of the south-west region and its most influential figure, who decides how power is distributed among his many acolytes.

In 2015 he described describes himself as a "talent hunter" that puts "talents into office".

His immense political influence led to the merger of opposition parties in 2013 and eventually wrestled power from the then-ruling PDP in 2015 - a rarity in Nigeria where incumbents are not often defeated.

During his party primary, when it looked as though Mr Tinubu's aspirations were flagging, he reminded Nigerians that he was largely responsible for installing President Muhammadu Buhari after the former military ruler had failed on several occasions to win the presidency.

Mr Buhari's associates have since tried to downplay the former governor's influence in the 2015 election, but it is unlikely that the current president would have emerged, twice, without the backing of Mr Tinubu.

That is why his supporters saw it as a betrayal when Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo, who worked with Mr Tinubu as a commissioner in Lagos, ran against his former boss for the APC ticket.

If he wins February's election, which is likely to be tightly contested, he will have to tackle many issues left behind by Mr Buhari - widespread insecurity, high unemployment, rising inflation and a country divided along ethnic lines.

It is not an impossible job, but the task ahead is daunting.

Full Profile of Peter Obi


Nigeria election 2023: Who is Peter Obi of the Labour Party?

By Olivia Ndubuisi & Nduka Orjinmo
BBC News, Lagos
A wealthy businessman with a reputation for being frugal, Peter Obi has emerged as a powerful force ahead of February's Nigeria's presidential election, energising voters with messages of prudence and accountability that are amplified by an army of social media users.

In a country that seems to always be on the lookout for a messiah to solve its myriad problems, young social media-savvy supporters have elevated Mr Obi to sainthood and are backing his largely unknown Labour Party against two septuagenarian political heavyweights.

The way he has attracted supporters seems to border on populism - a tag he and his supporters would denounce, but some of his rhetoric might be encouraging that.

"It's time to take your country back," he often says.

"[This election] is the old against the new," he told the BBC.

His name is often trending on social media on the back of numerous conversations sparked by his supporters, instantly recognisable from their display picture of his image or the white, red and green logo of his party.

These are mostly urban under-30s who refer to themselves as the "Coconut-head generation", because they are strong-willed, independent-minded and contemptuous of older politicians who, they say, have done little for them.

Many of them, like Dayo Ekundayo from the eastern city of Owerri, were involved in the EndSars protests that forced the disbandment of a notorious police department two years ago and also morphed into calls for better government.

Now, they are deploying the same strategies that mobilised hundreds of thousands of young Nigerians and raised millions of naira within weeks for the 61-year-old who they consider an alternative to the two parties that have dominated politics since the end of military rule in 1999.

"Which Nigerian politician has ever held office and has his integrity intact? I do not see any other logical option for young people in Nigeria," said Mr Ekundayo.

Many of those supporting Mr Obi were involved in anti-police brutality protests in 2020
He has already been involved in a march for Mr Obi, and is providing logistics and mobilising students for the campaign as he did during the EndSars protests.

But opponents say Mr Obi is a political impostor, one of many who spring up at election time with delusions of being a third force that will wrestle power from the traditional parties.

Many supporters of the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and neutral observers agree he is head and shoulders above the other candidates, but say he lacks the nationwide popularity to win the election and have warned his supporters that they risk wasting their votes.

They believe he is a distraction from the common goal of removing the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) from office, and could split the opposition vote.

A devout Catholic from eastern Nigeria, they point to his lack of popularity in the Muslim-dominated north, whose votes are considered critical in winning presidential elections.

But Mr Obi and his running-mate Yusuf Datti Baba-Ahmed have had strong showings at party rallies in the north, attracting large crowds in states where the popularity of the Labour Party was doubted - although such crowds can be hired by politicians.

His critics also question whether he truly represents a break from the corruption he routinely lambasts, pointing out that his name popped up in the leaked Pandora Papers which exposed the hidden wealth of the rich and powerful in 2021.

While he was not accused of stealing money, he failed to declare offshore accounts and assets held by family members, citing ignorance.

He was also accused of investing state funds, as governor, into a company he had dealings with. He denied any wrongdoing and points out that the value of the investment has since grown.

Mr Obi repeatedly says he is not desperate to be president, which is ironic for a man who has changed parties four times since 2002.

He dumped the PDP just days before its presidential primary in May and the party went on to choose the 75-year-old former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar as its presidential flagbearer.

Mr Obi's running mate, Yusuf Datti Baba-Ahmed, is a former federal lawmaker from Kaduna state
Critics say he pulled out of the contest because he knew his chances of winning were slim but he cited wrangling within the PDP, where he was a vice-presidential candidate in 2019, for deciding to cross over to the Labour Party.

His supporters are also convinced that he was pushed out of the PDP because he refused to bribe delegates at the party primary and have coined the phrase: "We don't give shishi (money)" as a buzzword for his famed frugality and his prudence in managing government funds in a country with a history of wasteful expenditure by public officers.

They regard him as an unconventional politician prepared to take on the APC and PDP behemoths seen as different sides of the same coin, who they accuse of dipping their fingers into the public purse.

There is also a religious and ethnic twist to his candidacy.

In a country where roughly half the population is Christian, his supporters hope that this will bolster his chances of winning, as after eight years of President Muhammadu Buhari they would not want another Muslim - the APC's Bola Tinubu, 70, or the PDP's Mr Abubakar - to take office.

And while he has downplayed his religion, Mr Obi has become a constant face at the large auditoriums of Nigeria's Pentecostal churches, to rapturous receptions, and he has also singled out Christian communities in the north for visits.

This has drawn criticism from opponents who accuse him of bigotry and trying to create divisions through religion, accusations he has denied.

Some also support Mr Obi because of his ethnic background. Igbos make up the country's third largest ethnic group, but Nigeria has had only one Igbo president, largely ceremonial, since it freed itself from British colonial rule in 1960.

Many Igbos accuse successive Nigerian governments of marginalising them and hope that Mr Obi will rise to power so that the south-east, where most of them live, would see greater development and so counter the pull of secession groups like the Indigenous People of Biafra (Ipob).

Critics say he is a supporter of Ipob, a group designated as a terror organisation by Nigeria, but he told the BBC that he is a firm believer in Nigeria and that his position on the different "agitations across the country" is to dialogue and reach a consensus.

He said Nigeria's number one priority is the issue of insecurity because it has become an existential one "that must be dealt head-one decisively".

"If you deal with it [security] today, you deal with inflation because farmers would go back to farms and that would reduce food inflation," he said.

A philosophy graduate, he worked in his family's retail businesses before going on to make his own money, importing everything from salad cream to beauty products, and baked beans to champagne, while also owning a brewery and holding major shares in three commercial banks.

You can normally recognise a Nigerian billionaire from a mile off but Mr Obi is thrifty and wears it as a mark of pride.

He is quick to point out that he owns just two pairs of black shoes from midmarket British chain Marks and Spencer, prefers a $200 suit from Stein Mart to a $4,000 Tom Ford suit, and always insists on carrying his own luggage, rather than paying someone else to do it for him.

Even his children are not spared his frugality. His 30-year-old son was denied a car, he said, while his other child is a happy primary school teacher - a rarity in a country where a politician's name often opens doors to more lucrative jobs.

The OBIdients
Despite the financial controversy, his tenure as governor of Anambra state has become a reference point for his presidential campaign.

His supporters point out that he invested heavily in education and paid salaries on time - the simple things that most Nigerian state governors tend to neglect.

He also left huge savings in state coffers at the end of his two four-year tenures, another rarity.

Labour Party supporters
IMAGE SOURCE,AFP
Image caption,
Mr Obi's supporters are mostly young Nigerians in urban areas
But Frances Ogbonnaya, a university student in Anambra state when Mr Obi was governor, is surprised by the praises being sung in his name, describing his tenure as unremarkable.

"Who saves money in the face of hunger? Who saves money in the face of a lack of facilities?" she asked rhetorically.

But it is his reputation for frugality and sound management that has attracted a horde of supporters, known as OBIdients.

Some have been accused of cyberbullying and labelling anyone who does not vote for him in next year's election an enemy of the state.

He responded with a tweet calling on his supporters to "imbibe the spirit of sportsmanship", but it has done little to calm them down.

They are quick to remind anyone who tells them that elections aren't won on Twitter, that data from the electoral body shows a jump in new registered voters, most of them young people.

But this is not the same as actually turning out to vote on election day.

With weeks to the election, there is no denying the momentum behind Mr Obi but cynics also point to the lack of a nationwide party structure to support the view that, while possible, an Obi presidency remains highly improbable.

"The structure that has kept us where we are, the structure that has produced the highest number of people in poverty in any country, the structure that has produced the highest number of out of school children, that is the structure we want to remove," he said.

He retorted that his structure is "the 100 million Nigerians that live in poverty [and] the 35 million Nigerians who don't know where their next meal will come from".

If half of those turn out to vote him on election day, it might very well be all that he needs.

You can’t help but admire Peter Obi’s track record

Corruption just de follow Atiku and Tinubu up and down. Drug come even follow for Tinubu profile

And only one is running on a same faith ticket..


Nigeria is not Pakistan

Full Profile of Rabiu Kwankwaso


Nigeria election 2023: Who is Rabiu Kwankwaso of the NNPP?

By Victor Ezeama
BBC News Pidgin, Lagos
Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the 66-year-old politician vying to be Nigeria's next president, is rarely seen without his red cap. It is a symbol of his ambition and his achievements - he is a former defence minister, former senator and served two-terms as governor of Kano, one of Nigeria's most populous states.

The hats are also worn by his supporters in Kano who are part of his Kwankwasiyya movement, which translates from Hausa as the "Red Cap Revolution".

This loyal political fan club has even followed him as he has switched parties - in particular his move in 2013 from the then-governing Peoples Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress, the current ruling party.

Over his career he was been with five parties, and is now presidential candidate for the New Nigeria People's Party (NNPP), little known nationally until he joined last year.

Analysts say he has little chance of winning the election outright, given his power base is largely in the north, but could cause a serious political upset by taking northern votes from Bola Tinubu of the APC and Atiku Abubakar, the PDP's contender.

To win a presidential election a candidate must show they have national support by gaining 25% of votes in two-thirds of Nigeria's 36 states, as well as having the most votes.

Political analyst Chisom Ugbariwould told the BBC that Mr Kwankwaso would need to make inroads in the south to achieve this.

At one stage a merger had been suggested with the another leading candidate, Peter Obi of the Labour Party, who hails from the south-east. Some said such an alliance stood a chance of wrestling power from the APC.

But in a BBC interview Mr Kwankwaso categorically ruled this out, saying the Labour Party candidate lacked his political pedigree: "You can't compare him to me who have been in politics for many years."

Strides in education
However, Ibrahim Sharada, a Kwankasiyya member of NNPP, thinks his candidate's fame and influence "stretches beyond northern Nigeria".

And there is no doubt that he is one of the four leading candidates and should it go to a second round, he could become a king-maker given his loyal following in Kano, where he first became governor in 1999.

This was the year that marked the end of military rule - and he was not donning the famous red cap then.

That came more than a decade later. In fact he lost his gubernatorial re-election bid in 2003, which is when then-President Olusegun Obasanjo made him defence minister.

Supporters of Rabiu Kwankwaso, wearing red hats, on a cattle campaign cart in Kano state, Nigeria

Supporters of Rabiu Kwankwaso wear red hats
He served in this role until 2007 at a time of relative peace in Nigeria. One of his main manifesto pledges to combat the current state of insecurity the country faces - a Islamist militancy in the north, kidnappings, cattle-farmer conflicts and a separatist rebellion in the south-east - is to boost the army's head count to one million by recruiting 750,000 extra personnel.

After his time in government, he returned to state politics, which is when he formed the Kwankwasiyya movement, taking inspiration from the late renowned anti-colonial freedom agitator Malam Aminu Kano, who became an eminent politician and social reformer in northern Nigeria after independence.

Dressed in red cap and a flowing white kaftan, he was famous for pointing out the inequalities of what was a fairly feudal society in the region - fighting for more equality, including the rights of women.

Kwankwasiyya, Mr Kwankwaso said, embodied those ideals - and the movement attracted a young following which liked to dress like their mentor.

Propelled to a second term as governor, Mr Kwankwaso said he delivered on these ideals in particular though his educational reforms, making education free at all levels to this day.

However, it is only available those that come from Kano and students need an "indigene certificate" to qualify.

Government school students in Kano, Nigeria - 2019
IMAGE SOURCE,AFP
Image caption,
Mr Kwankwaso introduced free primary, secondary and tertiary education in Kano
"He declared free education on assumption of office and was one of the first governors across Nigeria to introduce the school feeding programme for indigent pupils," Kano journalist Yinusa Ahmad told the BBC.

"Hundreds of students also got foreign scholarships and now most of them form the most loyal base of his Kwankwasiyya movement."

During his time as governor, he says Kano built many schools and invested in teachers, though the UN says the state still has one of the highest numbers of out-of-school children in Nigeria.

Education has clearly been important to Mr Kwankwaso, who is soft spoken and charismatic.

The former governor thrived at school and went on to university, qualifying as a water engineer - gaining degrees in the UK and India.

He return to worked in that sector, mainly for Kano's water and engineering agency, before entering the political fray.

Pension allegations
Like many Nigerian politicians, Mr Kwankwaso has faced corruption allegations.

In 2021, two years after completing a term as senator, he was questioned by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) over the alleged diversion of pension funds while he was governor.

He denies the allegations, saying they are politically motivated, and the case has gone no further.

A roof with Kwankwasiyya emblazoned on it in Kano

Buildings built during Mr Kwankwaso's second term as governor are emblazoned with the name of his Kwankwasiyya movement
Mr Kwankwaso, who is married with six children, exudes political confidence.

This was most recently demonstrated when he dismissed the need for an alliance to win the presidency. He is a man who likes to make his own mark - and it is something that can still be seen all over Kano city.

All the buildings constructed during his time as governor have "Kwankwasiyya" marked in huge capped letters across the roof. He wants no-one to forget him.


Media caption,
Rabiu Kwankwaso: All my life, I am one of those that has been underrated

Atiku we know

WASTE!

OUR WINNER BY GOD'S GRACE...

T

The beautiful ones aren't yet born.

None of them will bring d needed emancipation.

Nigeria will never develop until this contraption is dissolved into 6 separate country like the former soviet union and Yugoslavia.

Yoruba nation is d only Way👉🏾

Did the BBC just confirmed that Tinubu's account was actually confirmed by a competent court in America as having received and been a conduit for drug money, which made Tinubu to enter a plea agreement with the US criminal prosecutors to forfeit $440k.

And that this is in the public record in America?

Like, what the hecck!!!

So the often repeated accusation of drug money linked to Tinubu is true? I have generally avoided it cos i thought there was no proof.

What the hecck is Tinubu still doing contesting for President of Nigeria? And why are some persons supporting him??

Thinkam:
Atiku we know

See this Clown