obaaderemi:
Well,Jaycent or ghanaisdoomed, the ball is in your court.

tylann:
https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/331371-population-growth-nigeria-sitting-on-time-bomb-governor-yari.html .

Ghanaisdoomd:
They should continue guessing. What is my concern

vaxx1:
zamfara state Governor.

tylann:


Nigeria population is so unproductive

tylann:


You are jaycent as simple as that jaycent disappears and Ghanaisdoomd appears

cossano:
as a proud kenyan, i cannot argue with tanzanians. they are very petty, like arguing over nonsense, and before that kazikazi dude say anything, i'd like to remind him that i come from a border town with tanzania, i even have relatives on the other side of the border. these people dont even have proper schools,from the border all the way to musoma, not even an inch of tarmacked road! and they are here arguing, go and argue with DRC. KENYA IS NOT YOUR MATE.

Ghanaisdoomd:
Okay oh! Now it is jacent abi. From obaaderemi to Nigeriaisdoomed, from Nigeriaisdoomed to jacent? So who is next now

vaxx1:
The population is growing against the economy growth. Very disturbing news. 2.6 against 2.3. Nigeria does not need a soothsayer to tell how the future will be for the unborn generation.

tylann:


How can a developing country with alot of natural resources grow below 3%
Sometimes i wonder

tylann:


Kazikazi argues like we don't know Tanzania i have been to Tanzania several times my aunt is cereal trader i accompany some times to Tanzania
The rural areas are pathetic no nothing , no road , no electricity , no schools , no network only poverty

Dar es salaam is nothing outside posta and ilala there is nothing
Only mama nitilie hotels and women selling chips mayai all over the streets

TayserMahri:


How Magufuli brought Tanzania to its knees.

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/05/tanzania-president-upended-strong-east-africa-democracy/589339/

DAR ES SALAAM—John Magufuli began shaking things up on his first full day in office.

On November 6, 2015, the newly elected president walked unannounced into Tanzania’s Ministry of Finance, peering into empty offices and interrogating frightened staff—letting it be known that a government long characterized by laxity was in for a major change. He later canceled independence day celebrations and redirected the funding to fight cholera, purged more than 10,000 so-called ghost workers from the public-sector payroll, and initiated a crackdown on corruption and underperformance that saw numerous senior officials sacked, some following scoldings on live television.

Africa took notice: Twitter users across the continent adopted the hashtag #WhatWouldMagufuliDo to speculate how he might clean up their own governments. Ten months into his first term, polling by Twaweza, a regional civil-society group, found that 96 percent of Tanzanians approved of his performance. In a country that has long been one of the continent’s most stable democracies, where freedom of expression has historically been protected, that near-unanimous level of approval was astounding.

Since then, a more troubling pattern has set in: In its three and a half years in power, Magufuli’s government has jailed rival politicians, pop stars, and journalists; prevented teenage mothers from returning to school; and threatened mass arrests of LGBTQ Tanzanians. New regulations severely restrict social-media critics and criminalize the publication of data not endorsed by the government. Tundu Lissu, an outspoken opposition member of Parliament, barely survived an attempted assassination in 2017, and last October, Mohammed Dewji, Tanzania’s only billionaire, was kidnapped for 10 days. Mdude Nyagali, a young opposition activist, was abducted by gunmen on May 4; he was discovered last week dumped in a bush and showing signs of torture. Critics say that none of these acts have been thoroughly investigated by the authorities.

Now Tanzania’s 60 million people are beginning to realize that the honeymoon period is over, and that their country is more and more being governed by repression.

“There’s been a big shift to a much more constricted, constrained environment,” Aidan Eyakuze, Twaweza’s executive director, told me. “People are scared to say what they used to be able to say.” Eyakuze’s own passport was seized by the authorities after his organization reported last July that support for the president had plummeted to 55 percent.

In some ways, the 59-year-old Magufuli is hardly an anomaly in a region dominated by strongmen. Though much of sub-Saharan Africa saw sweeping democratic gains after the Cold War, political and civil rights have remained stagnant in West Africa, declined moderately in southern Africa, and fallen precipitously in the East and Central subregions since the mid-2000s, according to the think tank Freedom House. While new leaders in Ethiopia and Angola have made notable recent strides toward openness, democracy in Tanzania’s neighborhood is hardly robust. Leaders of three of its immediate neighbors—Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi—have clung to power beyond their original legal mandates and preside over some of the world’s worst human-rights records. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, former President Joseph Kabila has positioned himself to rule by proxy in retirement. Although Kenya, East Africa’s economic powerhouse, has avoided the “presidents for life” syndrome, its elections are regularly disputed.

Tanzania long stood out as an exception. A single party, known today as Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), has ruled the country since Tanzania’s 1964 creation as a merger between the former British colony of Tanganyika and the British protectorate of Zanzibar. But Tanzania’s leaders have respected term limits, and tolerated a vibrant opposition since the adoption of a multiparty system in 1992. The country has never experienced major civil conflict. Many credit Tanzania’s first president, Julius Nyerere, with forging a strong sense of national identity, which minimized the ethnic divisions that continue to plague many countries in the region.

Yet Nyerere’s economic policies, including a failed scheme that resettled millions of people into planned villages, also left a legacy of underdevelopment. Even as economic growth accelerated over the past decade, Tanzania remained notorious for its slow pace of life and a government often paralyzed by waste and dysfunction. Hassan Abbas, the chief government spokesman, says superfluous trips and unnecessary workshops—frequently at beachside resorts—were rife.

Restrictions on the export of grain and a bizarre plan to cut out middlemen from the cashew industry have rankled farmers. Businesspeople say the crackdown on corruption has had the unintended consequence of making it harder to do deals, and rising policy uncertainty has compelled banks to withhold lending. Acts of resource nationalism—such as the levying of an extraordinary $190 billion tax bill on London-based Acacia Mining, initially met with praise at home—are making foreign investors wary. Last month, the Tanzanian government blocked publication of an IMF report that warned of “unpredictable and interventionist policies” it deems likely to significantly hinder economic growth. The suppression of civil liberties has caused some development partners to withhold funding, while a drive to collect taxes, including from petty traders who have long operated outside the formal economic system, has further squeezed the poor. Richard Fabian, who sells kingfish, barracuda, and red snapper along the bustling Dar es Salaam waterfront, says the economic situation now is the worst he’s experienced in his 15 years on the job. Sales have been so poor that his wife and children have returned to their home village because he had to downsize his rental from a family house to a single room.

Fabian, like 58 percent of the electorate, voted for Magufuli in 2015, and despite his predicament says he appreciates his cleaning up of government and may support him for reelection next year—particularly if the economy begins to rebound. He may not have a choice: Newly passed legislation gives a state-appointed registrar sweeping powers over internal political-party matters, which opposition leaders say puts the country on a path toward becoming a de facto one-party state. Hashim Rungwe, an attorney and the chairman of the Chaumma Party who finished fifth in the 2015 presidential election and is considering running again, says the prospect of a free and fair vote next year is highly dubious. And democratic space, he fears, will only continue to decline thereafter.

“We are going backwards,” the 70-year-old says from his Dar es Salaam office. “Only one person is giving orders. And when he orders, you comply.”

Mbakuthegreat:


Western propaganda article, Magufuli is not a puppet which is why recently they have been making thousand similar article, first they kill the character of good african leaders and then justify coups. Magufuli is the best african president right now.

cossano:
right now they are all over kisii town hawking rice and arguing all the time, if we were reciprocate what they do to us at the border and prevent them from accessing our market, i think they would starve for real.

vaxx1:
NIGERIA has more rooms to grow . Education and productivity for example. . Why it is now growing like a frontier economy is something to be worried about.

cossano:
right now they are all over kisii town hawking rice and arguing all the time, if we were reciprocate what they do to us at the border and prevent them from accessing our market, i think they would starve for real.

tylann:


I have never understood what is the problem or where is the problem how can a country be so rich in natural resources and it is citizens are wallowing in poverty

tylann:


I have never understood what is the problem or where is the problem how can a country be so rich in natural resources and it is citizens are wallowing in poverty

cossano:
as a proud kenyan, i cannot argue with tanzanians. they are very petty, like arguing over nonsense, and before that kazikazi dude say anything, i'd like to remind him that i come from a border town with tanzania, i even have relatives on the other side of the border. these people dont even have proper schools,from the border all the way to musoma, not even an inch of tarmacked road! and they are here arguing, go and argue with DRC. KENYA IS NOT YOUR MATE.

tylann:


Kazikazi argues like we don't know Tanzania i have been to Tanzania several times my aunt is cereal trader i accompany some times to Tanzania
The rural areas are pathetic no nothing , no road , no electricity , no schools , no network only poverty

Dar es salaam is nothing outside posta and ilala there is nothing
Only mama nitilie hotels and women selling chips mayai all over the streets

tylann:


What has magufuli done to make him the best african president

Kazikazi:
You are from kisumu Kenya.Your kisumu is the third largest city in kenya. But you got ur first traffic light in 2019!
Are u still comparing urselves to united republic of Tanzania?

Hohohohoho

Kazikazi:
Do u think am here arguing with a starving nation? Are u not the one who receives food aid in 2019?
Mind u, Tanzania isn't in ur league of nations which starve to death.Go join with ur fellows in Turkana and wait for food rations.

But,I agree with u.Kenya isn't my mate. You starve! While we export food to all these starving nations.United republic of Tz is ahead

samorobo:


Beautiful edifice
My previous post said "AT MEALTIMES REMEMBER THE STARVING PEOPLE OF KENYA" I am seriously going to take that in to consideration from now on.
What do you think I should start with bread crumbs or fish bones

Kazikazi:
Do u think fighting corruption is a joke? Minimizing gov expenses isn't good?

tylann:


Iam from Nakuru not kisumu

Outside dar es salaam show me any Tanzanian city that has traffic lights
Mwanza is your second largest city does it have traffic lights

Kazikazi:
Anything will help as long as its eatable.even some banana leaves can work.They have no choice at this time,help them to avert massive deaths

Kazikazi:
You real doesn't know Tz. We have traffic lights in all cities

tylann:


Tell me anything meaning full magufuli has achieved in the fight against corruption

Yes he has reduced govt expenses that he is building substandard railway line

Kazikazi:
All aircrafts he bought were from monies saved on anticorruption measures.

The SGR is funded by gov of Tz.no loans.Our SGR is superior than the Kenya's. Its electrified. Axle load of 35T while ur Kenyan SGR is diesel powered and less axle load of max 25T.Tz top speed is 160 kph while urs is far less