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Part 1:Ndigbo And The Burdens Of History - Douglas Anele by Back2Bust: 1:37am On Jun 14, 2015 |
As a student of history, I have come to realise that it is only within the scaffolding of fidelity to its lessons that individuals and groups can positively transform socio-political reality in an enduring and meaningful way. In otherwords, those who ignore the lessons of history no matter how disagreeable they might be are bound to repeat terrible errors of the past. Ever since Nigeria was created by British colonial imperialism in 1914, efforts have been made to build a truly Nigerian nation that blends into a relatively harmonious geopolitical entity the diverse ethnic nationalities out of which the colonial amalgam was founded. Unfortunately, from the very beginning such attempts, especially by British colonial administrators, were largely disingenuous, biased in favour of the North and geared towards optimum exploitation of the newly created colony for the benefit of imperial Britain. The fundamental political philosophy that guided British imperialism in relation to the different ethnic nationalities in Nigeria can be encapsulated in three words, namely, subjugate, divide, and exploit. And even after independence was achieved, the departing colonial master left behind an economic system designed for the continuation of Britain’s economic exploitation of the country and a flawed political architectonic which could not withstand the weight of deepening ethnic rivalries and tension already rearing their ugly heads before October 1, 1960. Inspite of the amalgamation carried out by Lord Fredrick Lugard, the separatist policies implemented by him and his successors increased ethnic and religious cleavages that eventually snowballed into the devastating civil war. The separatist strategy was consonant with the long-standing secessionist agenda of several members of the Northern establishment, notably, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, Tafawa Balewa and Inua Wada. However, at conferences held in 1953 that midwived the Lyttleton Constitution of 1954, the North shifted ground from secession and advocated instead a political structure “which would give the regions the greatest possible freedom of movement and action; a structure which would reduce the powers of the Centre to the absolute minimum.” This eventually led to what Festus C.Eze described as “federation by disaggregation” that, in concrete terms,meant the formation of largely ethnic based three regions and three major political parties along the same lines. After independence, efforts to reengineer and consolidate the parliamentary democracy inherited from Britain were rendered ineffective mainly because the nationalists who fought for political autarky disliked domination by compatriots from other parts of the country much more than they loathed subjugation by British colonialists. Moreover, selfish myopic politicians who appealed to ethnic and religious sentiments to win votes during elections or score cheap political points against rivals worsened the problem. Thus, by the time mass slaughter of Ndigbo particularly in Northern Nigeria gained escalated in May 1966, the revenge coup of July 29 that same year and the civil war in 1967, the fragile wobbly foundations of the federation had almost crumbled completely. For haters of truth, especially those from the North and South-West, it is an abomination, at best an irritating scratching of old wounds, to revisit the troublesome issue of pogroms against Ndigbo from 1966 to 1970, and the extremely punitive policies implemented by Gen. Yakubu Gowon, ChiefObafemi Awolowo and others to further humiliate them when the civil war ended. Any Igbo man or woman who draws attention to the genocide committed against Igbo people during the war and to the need for justice is usually attacked viciously as “a divisive tribalist who would not let sleeping dogs lie for the sake of peace and unity.” But why are Nigerians from other ethnic groups uncomfortable and bilious anytime someone brings up the issue of genocide and recurrent violence against Ndigbo if we really belong equally to one nation? What is the rationale behind hatred of the Igbo andrampant Igbophobia in a country where the people, despite their temperamental deficiencies, have contributed to the development of Nigeria more than any other ethnic group? Taking a cue from Prof. Chinua Achebe, the answer to the last question is ekwolo, that is, jealousy and petty ethnic rivalries because of the success of Ndigbo in establishing themselves as a significant socio- economic and intellectual force wherever they live outside Igboland. The average non-Igbo tend to dislike and fear the Igbobecause of that very success. Now, rivalries between individuals, across ethnic groups and within countries often trigger conflicts, with alternating periods of belligerence and peace of limited duration. It is within this context that the problematic interactions between Ndigbo and Igbophobic Nigerians from other ethnic groups can be understood. It is impossible to build genuine and sustainable national unity on the foundation of injustice, deliberate suppression of unpleasant or inconvenient facts and self-righteous accusation of tribalism hurled at anyone who brings up “the Igbo problem” as a critical component of the pending “national question” that requires dispassionate analysis and fair resolution. As Usman Dan Fodio aptly remarked, “conscience is an open wound; only truth can heal it.” Although ascertaining the truth about any complex socio-political question is always a work-in-progress, it can be plausibly argued that only if Nigerians, especially members of the ruling elite, tackle the “Igbo problem” with open-mindedness guided by the desire for fairness and justice, would the lingering physical and psychological wounds of the Biafran war be assuaged. Obdurate refusal to discuss the war comprehensively as a very important though tragic episode of Nigerian history and unwillingness to teach Nigerians born from 1960 onwards about it so that they can learn appropriate lessons therefrom is, to put it mildly, evidence of hubris and cowardice. Similarly, name-calling or hateful disparagement of any Igbo for alerting compatriots about the predicament of Ndigbo and calling for a change of attitude towards them is a complete waste of time because the capacity to speak out against injustice is an essential component of human nature that cannot be completely stifled. It is possible to debate endlessly, with the benefit of hindsight of course,whether the decision to secede was the best option, or even the only optionfor Ndigbo. I have genuine misgivings about the secession. Nevertheless, Generals Gowon and Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu bear ultimate responsibility for the decision to secede and the war that followed because, misled by sycophants, “they were blinded by ego, hindered by a lack of administrative experience and obsessed with interpersonal competition and petty rivalries.” Yet, it is a universally recognised principle that a fairly homogenous people with strong historical and cultural connections have a right to self- determination if there are compelling reasons for them to feel unwanted or do not have a sense of belonging in the larger group of whichthey are a part. Given the pogroms of 1966, clamour for secession by the Igbo was justified, although the means they chose to realise it is highlyquestionable. Anybody with a contrary view should answer the following question: would the Hausa- Fulani, the Yoruba or any ethnic group with significant demographic strength not have seriously considered secession if their brothers and sisters living in Eastern region were slaughtered en masse by their hosts? Very likely, they would. Besides, as indicated earlier,Northerners were obsessed with pulling out of Nigeria, and Chief Obafemi Awolowo reportedly told Gen. Ojukwu shortly before the civil war broke out that if the East secedes, Western region would not be far behind. Hence, although it is probably true that leaders of Biafra acted too hastily in pulling Eastern region out of Nigeria without adequate preparation for war knowing full well that Gowon and his cohorts would never allow it, one must also appreciate the tremendous pressure they were under to respond decisively to the senseless massacre of Ndigbo in the North. Vociferous andtendentious champions of “national unity” have not made serious effort to engage dispassionately with Nigerian history from 1914 to the time military regime was entrenched in the country. To be concluded. http://www.vanguardngr.com/2015/06/ndigbo-and-the-burdens-of-history-1/#sthash.15Zdfx1t.dpuf |
Re: Part 1:Ndigbo And The Burdens Of History - Douglas Anele by jonaboy: 2:06am On Jun 14, 2015 |
Hmmmm. |
Re: Part 1:Ndigbo And The Burdens Of History - Douglas Anele by Nobody: 2:45am On Jun 14, 2015 |
Updated version of this work is urgently needed, since it didn't address all Igbo's predicament in history of Nigeria and ways to pacify it. But I think is futile BC Nigerian leaders and some half baked citizens are just clowns. Is better Igbo's makes their decision. Than all this evidence of history reoccurrence. |
Re: Part 1:Ndigbo And The Burdens Of History - Douglas Anele by warrior01: 4:22am On Jun 14, 2015 |
They don't wanna face the inconvenient facts of the genocide committed against the Igbos. Until that is treated , Nigeria will know no peace. |
Re: Part 1:Ndigbo And The Burdens Of History - Douglas Anele by Back2Bust: 3:08pm On Jun 14, 2015 |
warrior01:they will never know peace |
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