In the Third Republic, the name of [size=16pt]Alhaji Ibrahim Mantu as the Deputy Senate President[/size] was synonymous with the proverbial banana peel. He was reputed to have planned and executed more than one plot which led to the removal of the President of the Senate. In this exclusive and revealing interview with [size=16pt]the Board of Editors of The AUTHORITY newspapers[/size], he recounts his initial hatred and latter-day love for the then President Obasanjo; how OBJ made governors so strong that even he almost became a victim; takes direct responsibility for the demystification of Senator Arthur Nzeribe; how politics have been destroyed in the PDP and APC have been destroyed and are in need of overhaul
Q: We present to you, copies of the maiden edition of The AUTHORITY Newspapers.

A: Thank you. I commend the Board and Management of The AUTHOR­ITY Newspapers for adding this new baby to the array of newspapers in Ni­geria. Some people feel there are al­ready enough newspapers in Nigeria, but I hold a different opinion. I believe that the size of this nation needs more newspapers. We even need to have com­munity newspapers, restricted to re­mote areas, dealing with issues that are restricted to that particular area. We need state-wide newspapers, newspa­pers that can cover a region only, a local government, etc. It is the culmination of all these that makes up what a nation is. The more newspapers we have, the more enlightened our people will be. I there­fore want to congratulate you for adding this new baby to the array of newspapers in Nigeria.

Secondly, I see the media generally as responsible for flourishing of democ­racy. If you look back, particularly, dur­ing military regimes – with due respect to President Muhammadu Buhari – in those days, he came up with Decree No 2 which led to many journalists being jailed. During Gen. Abacha's regime, too, many journalists were incarcerated. But, these journalists were not politi­cians; they were fighting for the restora­tion of democracy. It was their struggle that actually led to the restoration of de­mocracy that we are now enjoying and I want to commend you journalists for your efforts.

Whatever you see us doing wrong here happened in countries that are today re­ferred to as advanced democracies years back. At one time or the other, America and Britain were like us but the military over there allowed democracy to thrive through trial and error and I believe that if our military also do the same thing as they are now doing, democracy will grow from strength to strength.

There are several things that have happened in Nigeria since 1999 simply because the military allowed democ­racy to thrive. We have seen the estab­lishment of National Assembly Service Commission, which hires and fires the bureaucracy of the National Assembly. In the past, they deployed civil servants to the National Assembly and their loy­alty was to the executive rather than to the legislature. That was why we had a lot of problem in our time with former President Olusegun Obasanjo. Then, they were reporting everything we did, though distorted, to him because, their loyalty was to the executive and not to the legislature. That didn't augur well for mutual relationship between the execu­tive and the legislature.

Again, if you look at the anti-corrup­tion agencies that exist, President Buhari as Military Head of State was engaged in the War Against Indiscipline. Today, as civilian President, he is engaged in the War Against Corruption. These two are enemies of progress; enemies of pros­perity; enemies of development and en­emies of mankind. They are responsible for our backwardness and should be fought frontally.

But, the agencies established to fight corruption, ICPC or EFCC are all cre­ation of the National Assembly. It is be­cause the military allowed democracy for some time and so we were able to es­tablish these two agencies, being used to fight corruption. Our Constitution has gone through series of reviews, includ­ing dusting up laws made in the colonial times and bringing them in tune with modern-day reality and technology. Recently, the Speaker was asking for a complete review of our laws.

Q: You are a founding member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and still a non-decamping member of the party. In looking at the Buhari and APC administration, don't you think it was needless taking them so long to constitute the cabinet and also, that once you remove Buhari from the fray, the war against corruption fails?

A: I would rather look at the cup half-filled than half-empty. It is not the speed of establishing cabinet that makes a good government. What makes a good government is meeting the expectations and aspirations of the people of the na­tion. Buhari as a person was voted by many people because of his antecedents; people know him as incorruptible; peo­ple trust him, they have confidence in him. Rather than trivialising everything because we are now in the opposition, I would rather want us to extend our hands of fellowship and it is too early for me to say he is doing well or not.

If you look at construction people building a house, when they are doing the foundation, you will never know they are doing something tangible un­til you see the block work and when the blocks are up, it takes just days to complete the entire structure. People are usually surprised and this is because it takes them time to lay solid foundation.

Q: Does it mean that in 16 years, PDP didn't lay solid foundation or founda­tion at all?

A: The point is that in this country, we have a way of everybody wanting to start his own because there is nobody who would tell me that in the past 16 years of PDP government, we have not achieved anything. We did achieve a lot which I even mentioned some of them. Even if I spend two weeks telling you, I won't finish enumerating them.

I was a key player in this process from the legislative angle. The National As­sembly is established to make laws for the good governance of the country. Buhari is going to work on the Consti­tution that we reviewed. He is not rein­venting the wheel.

Q: If you look at the Constitution, there are fundamentals: Federal Ex­ecutive Council (FEC), constituting the ministers, must sit to take certain decisions. In four months, we have had no cabinet but a sole adminis­trator ruling. Is there any advise you can offer for the President to conform to the Constitution?

As far as I am concerned, four months out of 48 months pales into insignificance. What is im­portant is getting it right. Like I told you, once the foundation is solidly laid, you can put up any level of stories you want for the building, if not, the building will collapse.

Q: If you look at the per­sonality of Buhari and his party, the All Progres­sives Congress (APC), do you think if they had not brought out Buhari as their presidential candidate, they would have defeated the PDP?

A: Only God knows. I be­lieve that power comes from God, we are only instruments. Therefore, if God says APC will win and form government, he would have given them another person that Nigerians will vote for. What is important is that we should not personalise gov­ernment. Since we now say Bu­hari's government, he has the responsibility to ensure that things are right because, every­thing will be on his table. Like today, everybody is condemn­ing President Jonathan. Was he the only person in govern­ment? He was just the head of that government. All those people who made him lose or made him not to perform well, their names are not be­ing mentioned. After all, there were people around him, who claimed they knew it all. When people were saying the coun­try was broke, they said no, we were flourishing.

Q: Before we go back, you were a key player in the political firmament. What is happening at NASS, es­pecially from the inaugura­tion, election of the prin­cipal officers to the trial of Saraki, is it good?

A: The problem was created by APC. Whether we adopt zoning in the party constitution or not, we have federal character prin­ciple in our Constitution. What it means is that every part of the country must be represented; given a sense of belonging.

It is necessary for the parties to ensure they conform to the fed­eral character principle in their appointments. For example, President Buhari is from the northwest, Osibanjo is from the southwest. There are four zones remaining. All the APC needs to do is to say, we have got President from the north­west, Vice President from the southwest, the Senate President and Speaker of the House of Representatives and other of­fices should go to other zones in a shared pattern like we did during our time.

When an office is zoned, it is only people from that zone that can participate in the selection of the person to occupy that of­fice. By the time the zone comes with a single person, the other Constitutional requirements will just be made without ran­cor. If they had done that, there would have been no fuss as we had.

Buhari made some mistakes. Maybe it was because he said he didn't want to interfere. Other­wise, it does not amount to in­terference in zoning positions. What amounts to interference is when one insists it must be a particular individual from a particular zone.

You know it happened in our time and Buhari was try­ing to avoid that but he was not properly advised. You have to zone the various zones and leave people from each zone to decide. But to completely ab­stain, you had people from ev­ery zone indicating interest in all the positions and confusion reigned. People from the north­west wanted to be the Speaker. If they had mobilised suffi­cient support, we would have had President from the north­west and the Speaker from the northwest, other parts of the country will be kicking.

For instance, the few ap­pointments that have been made, the southeast people are crying. Oh! Igbos have been marginalised again, even the south alone have been cry­ing they have been left out in the scheme of things. Can you imagine what would have hap­pened if the President is from the northwest and the Speaker is from the northwest? All they need do was to make sure the offices were zoned without anybody interfering with who emerges as the choice of the people.

Q: With what is happening now? Is the President not interfering?

What has he done to suggest that?

Q: With the Code of Con­duct Bureau trial of Saraki, the President of the Senate?

A: Who tells you it was Buhari that directed the CCB to try Saraki? I am an elder states­man. At my age, I shouldn't join market women and talk like a street person. We should not create more problems; we should create harmony. I was so happy when I saw the President of the country and the Presi­dent of the Senate laughing, enjoying themselves the other day and I said: Good! That was a very good omen and the way forward for this country. I don't know what they were laughing about but one could see they were laughing heartily. It was not political; I could see the laughter was coming from the heart.

Q: From the Third Republic days till 1999, you played huge critical political roles. But particularly as from 1999, for every removal of Senate President, they will say Mantu had a hand in that coup. Can you tell us the actual role you played during that timeframe?

A: The Senate is not like the ex­ecutive. All senators are equal and the leadership is only first among equals. Not like the ex­ecutive where you have minis­ters and all the ministers are an­swerable to the President. That is why we hear some Senate Presidents calling senators my boss, my boss, my boss. He was there in the first place because of them, without the senators, he cannot be Senate President.

I was not responsible for any­body's misfortune. On the con­trary, I maintained very close relationship with all the three Senate Presidents I worked with. I worked with Senator Adolph Wabara, we were like twins; I worked with Senator Pius Anyim, we were like twins; I worked very closely with all of them.

Q: But people said you were the arrow head in the plots that removed all the Senate Presidents?

In the case of Senator Evan Enwerem, I spear-headed his removal. He was brought in through the window. I made sure he went out through the window, with due respect to him because we don't speak ill of the dead. But in his case, right from the beginning, I was the campaign manager for Senator Chuba Okadigbo to be Senate President. I went round the country, mobilising support for him and everybody was for Chuba. It was like a foregone conclusion. But on the night preceding the election, they knocked on our doors, and of­fered us money saying Chuba is a mental case; he was going to slap Mr. President if we elect him and bla, bla, bla, and that they needed somebody that was calm and that it was Atiku Abubakar, the Vice President who wanted him so they could easily remove the President. They came up with all sorts of stories.

They also whipped senti­ments on the AD members from the southwest, who didn't vote for him. They told them that Obasanjo is their son, that though they didn't vote for him, they shouldn't remove him. A lot of sentiments were brought in and that was why Chuba who was to be Senate President from the beginning lost to Enwerem.

But because majority of us, working on principle more than anything else, we refused to recognise Enwerem as our Senate President because, he was brought in through the window in the night and we wanted a daylight Senate Presi­dent.

Q: Sir, can you recall any particular incident that led to his impeachment?

A: With due respect, Enwerem was the only Senate President that did not enjoy one day of his Presidency. Those of us who are experienced politicians were on the other side; we were with Chuba. So, when he brings any issue, we will use our experi­ence to drag that thing till the end of the day without achiev­ing anything. He will go home very dejected that he has not been able to achieve anything on the Order Paper.

When we went home, we brainstormed and came back the next day with lots of politi­cal acrobatics and caused con­fusion again on the floor. That was how he got frustrated. If you looked at him properly then – everyday – it was as if he was going to his funeral.

There were several allega­tions against him, but by our tradition, you don't speak ill of the dead. But largely, there was hardly anything he did that we applauded. He was unable to win our confidence that was why we gave him maximum of six months. Even for those six months, it was like a man going to hell.

Q: But did you people not think you were going against the President, your leader?

A: But, until Obasanjo left from 1999 to 2007, nobody in the National Assembly liked him, apart from Mantu and a few. Even me, I became a later con­vert. I was among those who were against Obasanjo.

Q: How did you become a convert?

A: After I became Deputy Senate President and we were working together, I could see the other side of him, which I did not know.

Q: How then did he win the PDP Jos national conven­tion that made him presi­dential flagbearer if people did not like him?

A: At that time, who knew Obasanjo? Nobody knew Obasanjo in the political arena apart from that he was former Military Head of State. He was never a politician even for one day.

Q: How then did he beat other people at that Jos con­vention?

A: He beat them because the government of the day inter­fered. It was a military govern­ment that organised that one.

Q: But they didn't force anybody to vote for him. I monitored it in Jos.

A: It was the best party con­vention ever held in Nigeria in terms of the freedom to choose. But what happened before coming to the stadium to vote, you didn't know. They moved round. They said 'if you don't want the military to come back, if you go against their choice, they will not al­low us last for three months. At that time, the politicians had become guinea pigs; they were using us to make experiments. Therefore, politicians decided that we should not allow them come back by supporting the man they wanted so they can allow us run democratic gov­ernment. So, there were lots of behind-the-scene moves which you didn't know. A lot hap­pened between the government of the day and politicians, that we have a choice. Otherwise, Dr. Alex Ekwueme would have won. I was in NPN and so, for those of us who were in NPN, he was just the natural choice.

But between choosing Ekwueme and after three months they come and say 'I so, so, so', we didn't want that at all and so, we gave them their choice. We said, look, let us give them the chance and then, we gradually transform the polity and that was what happened. Obasanjo was there for eight years and we laid sol­id foundation for democracy and then, we spent eight years again without Obasanjo. This is the longest time in the his­tory of Nigeria that democracy survived this long. It was wise to have allowed the military to have tele-guided us.

Q: If you cast your mind back, there was this popu­lar dance between Obasan­jo and the late Chuba Okadigbo's wife that even­tually led to Police invasion of the Senate President's Apo Mansion and even­tually led to Chuba Oka­digbo's removal. How did those of you who claimed you strongly supported Ekwueme who were forced to vote for Obasanjo at Jos feel?

A: By then, the issue of Ekwueme's loss had become history. When he lost in Jos in a free and fair contest, he con­ceded because he is a demo­crat. Since he was out of scene, out of sight; out of sight, out of scene. That is Nigerian politics for you. Nobody was think­ing about him again. Those of us who hitherto were thinking about him were then in charge and in control and so nobody was thinking about him. Only those who would go to him to seek advice if they wanted to honour him by that.

[size=15pt]PART 2 follows shortly[/size]

[size=15pt]PART 2 begins[/size]

The issue of Ekwueme did not even arise. The issue was how we allowed Chuba to go. You know Obasanjo is a mili­tary strategist. Apart from what he did to Chuba, Obasanjo believes that if he wants to fin­ish you, he brings you closer to him so that when he hits you, he cannot miss the tar­get. By identifying with us; we were celebrating the mansion built for the Senate President and we had an all night bash and Obasanjo joined to dance with us and even gave us some money to facilitate the celebra­tion. Little did we know that it was the last night he expected Chuba to be Senate President.

That morning, after we left, some of us who were part and parcel of Chuba – people like Senator Ita Giwa and few oth­ers – we stayed in the house up till around 3.00 am. By the time we left, not quite long, then, the mansion was invaded. Be­cause we were staying in Apo then, and we heard shouts and shouts. I was the first person who rushed to the place. They wanted to take Chuba; we didn't know where the Mobile Police­men were taking him to and those of us who were around blocked the road and said they should kill us together. We cre­ated problems there. We said until they killed all of us, they won't be able to take Chuba away.

If they had taken Chuba away, the story would have been different. We don't know where they were taking him to. Therefore, that plot didn't work. We fought it. Some of us, in­cluding our families, were able to smuggle some journalists in car booths to the place. My wife smuggled CNN reporters in a car booth to the place that night. We had their numbers, we called them. That was why everything was captured live.

The government was thor­oughly embarrassed. The coup failed! It was a failed coup. It was because, here was a man, we don't have immunity. But we enjoy immunity in the Senate President's official residence, also in the parliament. The resi­dence of the Senate President is an extension of the parliament. It is what we call desecration of the sanctity of the legislative arm. It was wrong for the Police to do what they did.

In most democracies, the legis­latures have their Police, purely just for the legislature because they don't want anybody from the executive to come and mess up with them.

That was my idea. We were ready to die with Chuba. That type of commitment is no longer there. From that time, Obasanjo became my break­fast, my lunch and my dinner. As the chairman of the infor­mation committee, every day, if I don't abuse him at breakfast, I am not happy. If I don't abuse him at lunch, I am not happy. If I don't abuse him at dinner, I am not satisfied.

Q: Didn't you fear for your life? There was Dikibo, Re­wane, Marshal Harry, Og­bonna Uche, etc? Did you not fear death?

A: I was much younger at that time. When you engage in a war, you can't go to a war. If you go to the war front and you think about death, you can't do certain things at all. Certainly, I tell you frankly, there was a time I was praying they should take me to prison that it will make me a hero. But now, I can't think that way.

When I became Deputy Sen­ate President and as a principal officer, I had the opportunity to sit and discuss the future of the nation with Mr. President.

For the first four months, anything I said, Obasanjo would attack it in his summary and I was taking my notes. So, when it came to my turn, any­thing he said, I would attack it in turn. I was always looking at the negative aspect. The beauty of democracy is that you can't lord it over people.

I told him: Mr. President, I voted for you, you didn't vote for me. I determined your be­ing my candidate, you didn't determine for me. I can move a motion for your sack and I can mobilise sufficient people to impeach you, you cannot remove me as a senator. They tried to recall some of us; they couldn't succeed. I was solid in my constituency. All the people they tried to recall, Senator Waku and co, they couldn't suc­ceed.

Q: At what point did you then become friends?

A: After some time, you know Obasanjo does not forgive and he does not forget. One thing you must give to Obasanjo is that he is a true nationalist. He doesn't joke with this country. Everything that has to do with this country, he must put it on the front burner.

Q: So, when I began to see some of his policies, that they will transform this country. Obasanjo is not a tribalist. As long as he can use you and you can add value to what he is doing, he will take you as a mem­ber of his family; but to use you and dump you eventu­ally.

When I saw those nationalistic tendencies in him, it was as if I was seeing a new Obasanjo. I never saw anything good in him right from the beginning. I thought he was evil from be­ginning to the end. I did not understand he meant well in some areas. I taught he was to­tally bad, evil man and nothing more.

When I saw the patriotic as­pect of him and how national­istic he was in particular, and how he was not bothered about whether you were a Christian or Moslem or Igbo, Yoruba or Hausa or Fulani, those things they used in the last regime to take certain decisions. That was not with Obasanjo.

So, I started changing and started to appreciate Obasanjo better and started making some positive comments about him. He, too, was changing towards me gradually.

One day, he asked me to see him in his office after a meet­ing. He said to me: 'Sit down" and I sat down. I was wonder­ing what will happen because when we entered the office, he locked the door. And I was thinking if you are fighting with a military man, just aim at this side and I was thinking being a military, they have one injunc­tion. Maybe the thing has en­tered his head? So, he asked me to sit down and I did. He said, "In my own part of the world, we respect age and authority. I am more elderly than you. I am the leader of the country. If you don't like my face, you should respect my office. Tell me what happens in your own part of the world." When he was talking to me, it was like some message was coming to me from heaven.

In my own part of the world, we respect elders too. In my own part of the world, we re­spect authority, we give it all the respect it deserves and whether we like it or not, we respect the stool. So, I told him it is not dif­ferent in my part of the world.

So, he asked me to say sorry to him and when I said sorry, he got up from his seat and held

me, embraced me, very close to his chest for almost two min­utes or three then, he let me go. He sat back and started writing: 090....; 090...; 090.... That time, there was no GSM, it was Tura­ya, this 090 series. And he said to me: My wife Stella does not have these. Anytime you have any issue, just tell me; don't go to the press. Just call me and I will give you audience.

That very day, I tried the line around 10.00 pm and he picked the call and he asked me to come and I went and we started talking. I gave him some ideas and when we came to the meet­ing the next day, he adopted all my ideas. So, I believed I was running the place. He got me closer and I became a com­pletely changed person with different notion of him. I be­came a completely 'born again' and I adore him and changed into a pro-Obasanjo person and people were shocked.

Even my winning election as Deputy Senate President was because I hated Obasanjo with a passion and many of my col­leagues that didn't like Obasan­jo said: Let's get somebody who will deal with Obasanjo. So, to a large extent, it was hatred for him that made me win election and thereafter, hatred became love because I came to discover that there were some good vir­tues about him.

Q: This eventually led to his removal. But how did those of you who hitherto supported Ekwueme and who supported Okadigbo and Obasanjo as the presi­dential candidate feel about democracy in the country? While all these happened in the Senate, there was one distinguished Senator Ar­thur Nzeribe who seemed to be stoking one trouble after another. How did you people manage to wriggle out of his studs and bumps?

A: Arthur Nzeribe, even before he came to the Senate, was larg­er than life. Everybody feared him. Nobody wanted to step on his toes. I called Senator Pius Anyim and said: If we don't de­mystify this man, he will deal with everybody. Arthur studied the Standing Order of the Sen­ate very well and he used this to make trouble for everybody. Anyim, being an Igbo man, understands the man's ante­cedents. When I told him, you know Anyim was a young man and was very adventurous; so, he laughed and nodded and we started planning. What we did to Arthur Nzeribe was uncon­stitutional. You don't suspend somebody for more than three months but we suspended him for the rest of his stay in the Senate and he never came back.

If you look at the press clips of how he left the senate, he looked very bad. We dealt with him. I told him, "I am responsi­ble for this; I said I will demys­tify you and I have done it. He couldn't understand because he could not believe that some­thing like that could happen to him. I believe it was taking the bull by the horn that made him say: These people must be something else.

Q: After that, did you rec­oncile?

A: Of course, yes. We are friends. When he came back, each time we met, he would say: Am I safe? After that first incident, after we demystified him, he became sober and we brought him to the level he never wanted to be. Since then, we became friends and after that, he didn't make any more trouble and he minded his health committee.

Q: After your NPN, SDP/NRC, UNCP days and so on and so forth before your forays into the PDP, where did PDP get it wrong? You know virtually all your na­tional chairmen became 'demons' once they leave of­fice and most of them were kicked out?

A: When the executive decided to play the roles of the party, party supremacy was jetti­soned. In all the other parties you mentioned, particularly the NPN, the national chair­man of the NPN then, Chief Adisa Akinloye (I was deputy state chairman in Plateau state), when they want to appoint a minister as what is happening in the country now, the nation­al chairman will write the state chairmen, 'give us the names of three ministerial nominees'. Whether there is a state gover­nor or not, he is the person who will forward the list of ministe­rial nominees, not the state governors.

The state chairmen will tell the chairmen of the three sena­torial zones to forward names of three nominees. At the end of the day, each state will come up with a list of nine nominees and the state chairman will pick one name each from each zone and forward to the national chairman. All the people on the list will wait for when they will get ambassadors or board chairman. Therefore, every­body will be working hard to see that things work fine for the party so that when the op­portunity comes, you will be adequately compensated.

But, when Obasanjo came, either deliberately or because he was in the military, instead of asking the parties to submit names, he asked the governors to do so. People were shocked. The governors, when they saw this opportunity, people like me, they were as 'masters', we brought them and they looked up to us as their ogas.

So, the governors said, the time has come for us to deal with these people. You know, in the country of the blind, one-eyed man is a king. They said, if we don't get rid of people like Mantu, we will never en­joy our offices. The governors therefore decided instead of sending names of people who worked for the party, they sent the names of their boyfriends, girlfriends and stewards.

So, these people who became ministers and so forth, were an­swerable to the governors who brought them, not to the party. As time went on, the governors decided that since they were in total control of appointive offi­cers, let us extend out tentacles to elective offices. They said since the House of Assembly members can impeach them and the National Assembly members, when they return, they feel like the masters, so, they brought in their SAs, PAs and asked them to contest elections. They also appointed Speakers of the State Assem­blies, who yesterday were their stewards.

The House of Assembly that is supposed to police the ac­tivities of the governor is now populated by his boys. He will take budgets to them in the morning, in the evening, they will bring it back to him; some­thing that should have taken six months of thorough scrutiny.

So, the policeman of the governor has now become his bodyguard; senators who were supposed to be elder statesman, when the governor is having problem with the party mem­bers or other people, the Sena­tor who is supposed to be elder statesman, is the governor's steward. When he goes to the governor's house, the governor sits on the chair, he is on the ground.

That was how loyalty shifted from the party to various gov­ernment houses. And even­tually, the governors became so strong that even Obasanjo himself almost became a vic­tim. It was the same thing that happened to Jonathan. It was the governors who brought party delegates' list. If not what we did, Obasanjo wouldn't have had a second term, because the governors decided to give it to Atiku.

The governors took total control of the party and even the delegates. Even when you bring delegates, the governors kept them in hotels, paid them allowances, fed them, etc.. So, whatever they tell them, they do and that's how PDP almost got destroyed. That is what we as political class must change. Buhari is learning from the mistakes of PDP. He refused to collect ministers from the gov­ernors. He asked governors to appoint their commissioners. Buhari will appoint people that will know he appointed them. Buhari will even bring some­body who is against the gover­nor in the state but the loyalty will be to the president not to the governor.

Q: So, the reality is that in PDP, people holding top positions were lackeys of former governors.

A: You can see it by yourself. The founding fathers have been sacked in their states and those who are still around, are suf­ficiently frustrated. Ekwueme was among the G-18. He put his life on the line for democracy to thrive, but who calls him for a meeting now? Adamu Ciroma and co, where are they? That is why we said: Let us go back and pick the pieces.

Q: Can the Ekweremadu committee do this magic?

A: The committee is not the final. We want to have a con­ference where we can bring everybody, all the stakeholders of the party and tell them they have seen the result of all these: impunity, recklessness, we are now all orphans. Do we want to continue this way? Where have we gone wrong? Let us pick the pieces. How do we come back and take direction. This is what we want to do so we can move forward. Even in APC, politics has been destroyed and there is the need to overhaul so that party supremacy can be re­stored. Unless you do that, we can't go anywhere. That is why people behave with impunity. All the people around the state governors were his stooges. Who has the audacity to chal­lenge him? That's why any speaker who dares challenge him, they remove him.

This thread is longer than River Nile