Binikingdowm:
that's true I thought igbo said they are republican in nature LMAO.

stop

campaign.

Benjamin Tillman
Tillman crop.jpg
Tillman around 1910
United States Senator

from South Carolina
In office

March 4, 1895 – July 3, 1918
Preceded by
Matthew Butler
Succeeded by
Christie Benet
84th Governor of South Carolina
In office

December 4, 1890 – December 4, 1894
Lieutenant
Eugene B. Gary (1890–1893)

Washington H. Timmerman (1893–1894)
Preceded by
John Peter Richardson III
Succeeded by
John Gary Evans
Personal details
Born
Benjamin Ryan Tillman Jr.

August 11, 1847

Trenton, South Carolina, U.S.
Died
July 3, 1918 (aged 70)

Washington, D.C., U.S.
Political party
Democratic
Spouse(s)
Sallie Starke (1868–1918, his death)
Relations
George Dionysius Tillman (brother)
Children
7
Nickname(s)
"Pitchfork Ben"
In the 1880s, Tillman, a wealthy landowner, became dissatisfied with the Democratic leadership and led a movement of white farmers calling for reform. He was initially unsuccessful, though he was instrumental in the founding of Clemson University as an agricultural school. In 1890, Tillman took control of the state Democratic Party, and was elected governor. During his four years in office, 18 Black Americans were lynched in South Carolina—the 1890s saw the most lynchings of any decade in South Carolina. Tillman tried to prevent lynchings, but spoke in support of the lynch mobs, stating his own willingness to lead one. In 1894, at the end of his second two-year term, he was elected to the U.S. Senate by vote of the state legislature.

Tillman was known as "Pitchfork Ben" because of his aggressive language, as when he threatened to use a pitchfork to prod that "bag of beef", President Grover Cleveland. Considered a possible candidate for the Democratic nomination for president in 1896, Tillman lost any chance after giving a disastrous speech at the convention. He became known for his virulent oratory, especially against Black Americans but also as an effective legislator. The first federal campaign finance law, banning corporate contributions, is commonly called the Tillman Act. Tillman was repeatedly re-elected, serving in the Senate for the rest of his life. One of his legacies was South Carolina's 1895 constitution, which disenfranchised most of the black majority and ensured white rule for more than half a century.

Early life and education Edit
Benjamin Ryan Tillman Jr. was born on August 11, 1847, on the family plantation "Chester", near Trenton, in the Edgefield District,[a] sometimes considered part of upcountry South Carolina. His parents, Benjamin Ryan Tillman, Sr. and the former Sophia Hancock, were of English descent.[1][2] In addition to being planters with 86 slaves, the Tillmans operated an inn. Benjamin Jr. was the last born of seven sons and four daughters.[3]

Edgefield was known as a violent place, even by the standards of antebellum South Carolina,[4] where matters of personal honor might be addressed with a killing or duel.[5] Before Tillman Sr.'s death from typhoid fever in 1849, he had killed a man and been convicted of rioting by an Edgefield jury. One of his sons died in a duel; another was killed in a domestic dispute. A third died in the Mexican–American War; a fourth of disease aged 15.[2][6] Of Benjamin Jr.'s two surviving brothers, one died of Civil War wounds after returning home, and the other, George, killed a man who accused him of cheating at gambling. Convicted of manslaughter, George continued to practice law from his jail cell during his two-year sentence, and was elected to the state senate while still incarcerated.[6][7] He later served several terms in Congress.[8]

From an early age, Ben showed a developed vocabulary. In 1860, he was sent to Bethany, a boarding school in Edgefield where he became a star student, and he remained there after the American Civil War began. In 1863, he came home for a year to help his mother pay off debts. He returned to Bethany in 1864, intending a final year of study prior to entering the South Carolina College (today, the University of South Carolina). The South's desperate need for soldiers ended this plan, and in June 1864, still not yet 17, he withdrew from the academy, making arrangements to join a coastal artillery unit. These plans were scuttled as well when he fell ill at home.[9] A cranial tumor led to the removal of his left eye, and it was not until 1866, months after Confederate forces had disbanded, that Ben Tillman was again healthy.[2]

After the war, Ben Tillman, his mother, and his wounded brother James (who died in 1866) worked to rebuild Chester plantation. They signed the plantation's freedmen as workers. They were confronted with the circumstance of several men refusing to work for them and legally leaving the plantation. From 1866 to 1868, Ben Tillman went with several workers from the plantation to Florida, where a new cotton-planting belt had been established. The Tillmans purchased land there. Tillman was unsuccessful in Florida—after two marginal years, the 1868 crop was destroyed by caterpillars.[10]

Benjamin Ryan Tillman (August 11, 1847 – July 3, 1918) was an American politician of the Democratic Party who served as Governor of South Carolina from 1890 to 1894, and a United States Senator from 1895 until his death in 1918. A white supremacist who opposed civil rights for Black Americans, Tillman led a paramilitary group of Red Shirts during South Carolina's violent 1876 election. On the floor of the U.S. Senate, he frequently ridiculed Black Americans, and boasted of having helped to kill them during that campaign.

Benjamin Tillman
Tillman crop.jpg
Tillman around 1910
United States Senator

from South Carolina
In office

March 4, 1895 – July 3, 1918
Preceded by
Matthew Butler
Succeeded by
Christie Benet
84th Governor of South Carolina
In office

December 4, 1890 – December 4, 1894
Lieutenant
Eugene B. Gary (1890–1893)

Washington H. Timmerman (1893–1894)
Preceded by
John Peter Richardson III
Succeeded by
John Gary Evans
Personal details
Born
Benjamin Ryan Tillman Jr.

August 11, 1847

Trenton, South Carolina, U.S.
Died
July 3, 1918 (aged 70)

Washington, D.C., U.S.
Political party
Democratic
Spouse(s)
Sallie Starke (1868–1918, his death)
Relations
George Dionysius Tillman (brother)
Children
7
Nickname(s)
"Pitchfork Ben"
In the 1880s, Tillman, a wealthy landowner, became dissatisfied with the Democratic leadership and led a movement of white farmers calling for reform. He was initially unsuccessful, though he was instrumental in the founding of Clemson University as an agricultural school. In 1890, Tillman took control of the state Democratic Party, and was elected governor. During his four years in office, 18 Black Americans were lynched in South Carolina—the 1890s saw the most lynchings of any decade in South Carolina. Tillman tried to prevent lynchings, but spoke in support of the lynch mobs, stating his own willingness to lead one. In 1894, at the end of his second two-year term, he was elected to the U.S. Senate by vote of the state legislature.

Tillman was known as "Pitchfork Ben" because of his aggressive language, as when he threatened to use a pitchfork to prod that "bag of beef", President Grover Cleveland. Considered a possible candidate for the Democratic nomination for president in 1896, Tillman lost any chance after giving a disastrous speech at the convention. He became known for his virulent oratory, especially against Black Americans but also as an effective legislator. The first federal campaign finance law, banning corporate contributions, is commonly called the Tillman Act. Tillman was repeatedly re-elected, serving in the Senate for the rest of his life. One of his legacies was South Carolina's 1895 constitution, which disenfranchised most of the black majority and ensured white rule for more than half a century.

Early life and education Edit
Benjamin Ryan Tillman Jr. was born on August 11, 1847, on the family plantation "Chester", near Trenton, in the Edgefield District,[a] sometimes considered part of upcountry South Carolina. His parents, Benjamin Ryan Tillman, Sr. and the former Sophia Hancock, were of English descent.[1][2] In addition to being planters with 86 slaves, the Tillmans operated an inn. Benjamin Jr. was the last born of seven sons and four daughters.[3]

Edgefield was known as a violent place, even by the standards of antebellum South Carolina,[4] where matters of personal honor might be addressed with a killing or duel.[5] Before Tillman Sr.'s death from typhoid fever in 1849, he had killed a man and been convicted of rioting by an Edgefield jury. One of his sons died in a duel; another was killed in a domestic dispute. A third died in the Mexican–American War; a fourth of disease aged 15.[2][6] Of Benjamin Jr.'s two surviving brothers, one died of Civil War wounds after returning home, and the other, George, killed a man who accused him of cheating at gambling. Convicted of manslaughter, George continued to practice law from his jail cell during his two-year sentence, and was elected to the state senate while still incarcerated.[6][7] He later served several terms in Congress.[8]

From an early age, Ben showed a developed vocabulary. In 1860, he was sent to Bethany, a boarding school in Edgefield where he became a star student, and he remained there after the American Civil War began. In 1863, he came home for a year to help his mother pay off debts. He returned to Bethany in 1864, intending a final year of study prior to entering the South Carolina College (today, the University of South Carolina). The South's desperate need for soldiers ended this plan, and in June 1864, still not yet 17, he withdrew from the academy, making arrangements to join a coastal artillery unit. These plans were scuttled as well when he fell ill at home.[9] A cranial tumor led to the removal of his left eye, and it was not until 1866, months after Confederate forces had disbanded, that Ben Tillman was again healthy.[2]

After the war, Ben Tillman, his mother, and his wounded brother James (who died in 1866) worked to rebuild Chester plantation. They signed the plantation's freedmen as workers. They were confronted with the circumstance of several men refusing to work for them and legally leaving the plantation. From 1866 to 1868, Ben Tillman went with several workers from the plantation to Florida, where a new cotton-planting belt had been established. The Tillmans purchased land there. Tillman was unsuccessful in Florida—after two marginal years, the 1868 crop was destroyed by caterpillars.[10]

Binikingdowm:
That dressing is a Benin atire but some igbo tribe use it, why? Because they are Edo.

Igbo are from Jew, they must dress like jew

true though so who are the real igbos?

Na yabaleft people full this thread oooo...psychiatric doctors make una see Patients on the loose ooo

Tillman
Tillman crop.jpg
Tillman around 1910
United States Senator

from South Carolina
In office

March 4, 1895 – July 3, 1918
Preceded by
Matthew Butler
Succeeded by
Christie Benet
84th Governor of South Carolina
In office

December 4, 1890 – December 4, 1894
Lieutenant
Eugene B. Gary (1890–1893)

Washington H. Timmerman (1893–1894)
Preceded by
John Peter Richardson III
Succeeded by
John Gary Evans
Personal details
Born
Benjamin Ryan Tillman Jr.

August 11, 1847

Trenton, South Carolina, U.S.
Died
July 3, 1918 (aged 70)

Washington, D.C., U.S.
Political party
Democratic
Spouse(s)
Sallie Starke (1868–1918, his death)
Relations
George Dionysius Tillman (brother)
Children
7
Nickname(s)
"Pitchfork Ben"
In the 1880s, Tillman, a wealthy landowner, became dissatisfied with the Democratic leadership and led a movement of white farmers calling for reform. He was initially unsuccessful, though he was instrumental in the founding of Clemson University as an agricultural school. In 1890, Tillman took control of the state Democratic Party, and was elected governor. During his four years in office, 18 Black Americans were lynched in South Carolina—the 1890s saw the most lynchings of any decade in South Carolina. Tillman tried to prevent lynchings, but spoke in support of the lynch mobs, stating his own willingness to lead one. In 1894, at the end of his second two-year term, he was elected to the U.S. Senate by vote of the state legislature.

Tillman was known as "Pitchfork Ben" because of his aggressive language, as when he threatened to use a pitchfork to prod that "bag of beef", President Grover Cleveland. Considered a possible candidate for the Democratic nomination for president in 1896, Tillman lost any chance after giving a disastrous speech at the convention. He became known for his virulent oratory, especially against Black Americans but also as an effective legislator. The first federal campaign finance law, banning corporate contributions, is commonly called the Tillman Act. Tillman was repeatedly re-elected, serving in the Senate for the rest of his life. One of his legacies was South Carolina's 1895 constitution, which disenfranchised most of the black majority and ensured white rule for more than half a century.

Early life and education Edit
Benjamin Ryan Tillman Jr. was born on August 11, 1847, on the family plantation "Chester", near Trenton, in the Edgefield District,[a] sometimes considered part of upcountry South Carolina. His parents, Benjamin Ryan Tillman, Sr. and the former Sophia Hancock, were of English descent.[1][2] In addition to being planters with 86 slaves, the Tillmans operated an inn. Benjamin Jr. was the last born of seven sons and four daughters.[3]

Edgefield was known as a violent place, even by the standards of antebellum South Carolina,[4] where matters of personal honor might be addressed with a killing or duel.[5] Before Tillman Sr.'s death from typhoid fever in 1849, he had killed a man and been convicted of rioting by an Edgefield jury. One of his sons died in a duel; another was killed in a domestic dispute. A third died in the Mexican–American War; a fourth of disease aged 15.[2][6] Of Benjamin Jr.'s two surviving brothers, one died of Civil War wounds after returning home, and the other, George, killed a man who accused him of cheating at gambling. Convicted of manslaughter, George continued to practice law from his jail cell during his two-year sentence, and was elected to the state senate while still incarcerated.[6][7] He later served several terms in Congress.[8]

From an early age, Ben showed a developed vocabulary. In 1860, he was sent to Bethany, a boarding school in Edgefield where he became a star student, and he remained there after the American Civil War began. In 1863, he came home for a year to help his mother pay off debts. He returned to Bethany in 1864, intending a final year of study prior to entering the South Carolina College (today, the University of South Carolina). The South's desperate need for soldiers ended this plan, and in June 1864, still not yet 17, he withdrew from the academy, making arrangements to join a coastal artillery unit. These plans were scuttled as well when he fell ill at home.[9] A cranial tumor led to the removal of his left eye, and it was not until 1866, months after Confederate forces had disbanded, that Ben Tillman was again healthy.[2]

After the war, Ben Tillman, his mother, and his wounded brother James (who died in 1866) worked to rebuild Chester plantation. They signed the plantation's freedmen as workers. They were confronted with the circumstance of several men refusing to work for them and legally leaving the plantation. From 1866 to 1868, Ben Tillman went with several workers from the plantation to Florida, where a new cotton-planting belt had been established. The Tillmans purchased land there. Tillman was unsuccessful in Florida—after two marginal years, the 1868 crop was destroyed by caterpillars.[10]

During his convalescence, Tillman had met Sallie Starke, a refugee from Fairfield District. They married in January 1868[2] and she joined him in Florida.[10] The Tillmans returned to South Carolina, where the following year they settled on 430 acres (170 ha) of Tillman family land, given to him by his mother.[2] They would have seven children together: Adeline, Benjamin Ryan, Henry Cummings, Margaret Malona, Sophia Oliver, Samuel Starke, and Sallie Mae.[11]

Tillman, though he was not very religious, was a frequent churchgoer as a young adult. He was a Christian, but did not identify with a particular sect; as a result, he never formally joined a church. His religious skepticism also led to his avoidance of any further churchgoing almost immediately following his becoming a politician.[12]

Tillman proved an adept farmer, who experimented with crop diversification[2] and took his crops to market each Saturday in nearby Augusta, Georgia. In 1878, Tillman inherited 170 acres (69 ha) from Sophia Tillman, and purchased 650 acres (260 ha) at Ninety Six, some 30 miles (48 km) from his Edgefield holdings.[13] Having inherited a large library from his uncle John Tillman, he spent part of his days reading.[14] Although his workers were no longer slaves, Tillman continued to apply the whip to them. By 1876, Tillman was the largest landowner in Edgefield County. He rode through his fields on horseback like an antebellum overseer, and stated at the time that it was necessary that he do so to "drive the slovenly Negroes to work".[15]

Red Shirts and Reconstruction Edit
Resistance to Republican rule Edit
Further information: Reconstruction Era in the United States and South Carolina gubernatorial election, 1876
With the Confederacy defeated, South Carolina ratified a new constitution in 1865 that recognized the end of slavery, but basically left the pre-war elites in charge. African American freedmen, who were the majority of South Carolina's population, were given no vote, and their new freedom was soon restricted by Black Codes that limited their civil rights and required black farm laborers to bind themselves with annual labor contracts. Congress was dissatisfied with this minimal change and required a new constitutional convention and elections with universal male suffrage. As African Americans generally favored the Republican Party at the time, that party controlled the biracial state legislature beginning with the 1868 elections.[16] That campaign was marked by violence—19 Republican and Union League activists were killed in South Carolina's 3rd congressional district alone.[17]


Martin Witherspoon Gary
In 1873, two Edgefield lawyers and former Confederate generals, Martin Gary and Matthew C. Butler, began to advocate what became known as the "Edgefield Plan" or "Straightout Plan". They believed that the previous five years had shown it was not possible to outvote African Americans. Gary and Butler deemed compromises with black leaders to be misguided; they felt white men must be restored to their antebellum position of preeminent political power in the state. They proposed that white men form clandestine paramilitary organizations—known as "rifle clubs"—and use force and intimidation to drive the African American from power. Members of the new white groups became known as Red Shirts. Tillman was an early and enthusiastic recruit for his local organization, dubbed the Sweetwater Sabre Club.[18][19][20] He became a devoted protégé of Gary.[2]

From 1873 to 1876, Tillman served as a member of the Sweetwater club, members of which assaulted and intimidated black would-be voters, killed black political figures, and skirmished with the African-American-dominated state militia.[2] Economic coercion was used as well as physical force: most Edgefield planters would not employ black militiamen or allow them to rent land, and ostracized whites who did.[21]

Donmedra:
true though so who are the real igbos?

we the people of enugu are the real and true igbo people.

The rest are Benin invaders that conquer us, made obi kings in different regions and still dominated us.

If the real igbo know there true story, they'll burn down igbo land

Tillman
Tillman crop.jpg
Tillman around 1910
United States Senator

from South Carolina
In office

March 4, 1895 – Jul
Preceded by
Matthew Butler
Succeeded by
Christie Benet
84th Governor of South Carolina
In office

December 4, 1890 – December 4, 1894
Lieutenant
Eugene B. Gary (1890–1893)

Washington H. Timmerman (1893–1894)
Preceded by
John Peter Richardson III
Succeeded by
John Gary Evans
Personal details
Born
Benjamin Ryan Tillman Jr.

August 11, 1847

Trenton, South Carolina, U.S.
Died
July 3, 1918 (aged 70)

Washington, D.C., U.S.
Political party
Democratic
Spouse(s)
Sallie Starke (1868–1918, his death)
Relations
George Dionysius Tillman (brother)
Children
7
Nickname(s)
"Pitchfork Ben"
In the 1880s, Tillman, a wealthy landowner, became dissatisfied with the Democratic leadership and led a movement of white farmers calling for reform. He was initially unsuccessful, though he was instrumental in the founding of Clemson University as an agricultural school. In 1890, Tillman took control of the state Democratic Party, and was elected governor. During his four years in office, 18 Black Americans were lynched in South Carolina—the 1890s saw the most lynchings of any decade in South Carolina. Tillman tried to prevent lynchings, but spoke in support of the lynch mobs, stating his own willingness to lead one. In 1894, at the end of his second two-year term, he was elected to the U.S. Senate by vote of the state legislature.

Tillman was known as "Pitchfork Ben" because of his aggressive language, as when he threatened to use a pitchfork to prod that "bag of beef", President Grover Cleveland. Considered a possible candidate for the Democratic nomination for president in 1896, Tillman lost any chance after giving a disastrous speech at the convention. He became known for his virulent oratory, especially against Black Americans but also as an effective legislator. The first federal campaign finance law, banning corporate contributions, is commonly called the Tillman Act. Tillman was repeatedly re-elected, serving in the Senate for the rest of his life. One of his legacies was South Carolina's 1895 constitution, which disenfranchised most of the black majority and ensured white rule for more than half a century.

Early life and education Edit
Benjamin Ryan Tillman Jr. was born on August 11, 1847, on the family plantation "Chester", near Trenton, in the Edgefield District,[a] sometimes considered part of upcountry South Carolina. His parents, Benjamin Ryan Tillman, Sr. and the former Sophia Hancock, were of English descent.[1][2] In addition to being planters with 86 slaves, the Tillmans operated an inn. Benjamin Jr. was the last born of seven sons and four daughters.[3]

Edgefield was known as a violent place, even by the standards of antebellum South Carolina,[4] where matters of personal honor might be addressed with a killing or duel.[5] Before Tillman Sr.'s death from typhoid fever in 1849, he had killed a man and been convicted of rioting by an Edgefield jury. One of his sons died in a duel; another was killed in a domestic dispute. A third died in the Mexican–American War; a fourth of disease aged 15.[2][6] Of Benjamin Jr.'s two surviving brothers, one died of Civil War wounds after returning home, and the other, George, killed a man who accused him of cheating at gambling. Convicted of manslaughter, George continued to practice law from his jail cell during his two-year sentence, and was elected to the state senate while still incarcerated.[6][7] He later served several terms in Congress.[8]

From an early age, Ben showed a developed vocabulary. In 1860, he was sent to Bethany, a boarding school in Edgefield where he became a star student, and he remained there after the American Civil War began. In 1863, he came home for a year to help his mother pay off debts. He returned to Bethany in 1864, intending a final year of study prior to entering the South Carolina College (today, the University of South Carolina). The South's desperate need for soldiers ended this plan, and in June 1864, still not yet 17, he withdrew from the academy, making arrangements to join a coastal artillery unit. These plans were scuttled as well when he fell ill at home.[9] A cranial tumor led to the removal of his left eye, and it was not until 1866, months after Confederate forces had disbanded, that Ben Tillman was again healthy.[2]

After the war, Ben Tillman, his mother, and his wounded brother James (who died in 1866) worked to rebuild Chester plantation. They signed the plantation's freedmen as workers. They were confronted with the circumstance of several men refusing to work for them and legally leaving the plantation. From 1866 to 1868, Ben Tillman went with several workers from the plantation to Florida, where a new cotton-planting belt had been established. The Tillmans purchased land there. Tillman was unsuccessful in Florida—after two marginal years, the 1868 crop was destroyed by caterpillars.[10]

During his convalescence, Tillman had met Sallie Starke, a refugee from Fairfield District. They married in January 1868[2] and she joined him in Florida.[10] The Tillmans returned to South Carolina, where the following year they settled on 430 acres (170 ha) of Tillman family land, given to him by his mother.[2] They would have seven children together: Adeline, Benjamin Ryan, Henry Cummings, Margaret Malona, Sophia Oliver, Samuel Starke, and Sallie Mae.[11]

Tillman, though he was not very religious, was a frequent churchgoer as a young adult. He was a Christian, but did not identify with a particular sect; as a result, he never formally joined a church. His religious skepticism also led to his avoidance of any further churchgoing almost immediately following his becoming a politician.[12]

Tillman proved an adept farmer, who experimented with crop diversification[2] and took his crops to market each Saturday in nearby Augusta, Georgia. In 1878, Tillman inherited 170 acres (69 ha) from Sophia Tillman, and purchased 650 acres (260 ha) at Ninety Six, some 30 miles (48 km) from his Edgefield holdings.[13] Having inherited a large library from his uncle John Tillman, he spent part of his days reading.[14] Although his workers were no longer slaves, Tillman continued to apply the whip to them. By 1876, Tillman was the largest landowner in Edgefield County. He rode through his fields on horseback like an antebellum overseer, and stated at the time that it was necessary that he do so to "drive the slovenly Negroes to work".[15]

Red Shirts and Reconstruction Edit
Resistance to Republican rule Edit
Further information: Reconstruction Era in the United States and South Carolina gubernatorial election, 1876
With the Confederacy defeated, South Carolina ratified a new constitution in 1865 that recognized the end of slavery, but basically left the pre-war elites in charge. African American freedmen, who were the majority of South Carolina's population, were given no vote, and their new freedom was soon restricted by Black Codes that limited their civil rights and required black farm laborers to bind themselves with annual labor contracts. Congress was dissatisfied with this minimal change and required a new constitutional convention and elections with universal male suffrage. As African Americans generally favored the Republican Party at the time, that party controlled the biracial state legislature beginning with the 1868 elections.[16] That campaign was marked by violence—19 Republican and Union League activists were killed in South Carolina's 3rd congressional district alone.[17]


Martin Witherspoon Gary
In 1873, two Edgefield lawyers and former Confederate generals, Martin Gary and Matthew C. Butler, began to advocate what became known as the "Edgefield Plan" or "Straightout Plan". They believed that the previous five years had shown it was not possible to outvote African Americans. Gary and Butler deemed compromises with black leaders to be misguided; they felt white men must be restored to their antebellum position of preeminent political power in the state. They proposed that white men form clandestine paramilitary organizations—known as "rifle clubs"—and use force and intimidation to drive the African American from power. Members of the new white groups became known as Red Shirts. Tillman was an early and enthusiastic recruit for his local organization, dubbed the Sweetwater Sabre Club.[18][19][20] He became a devoted protégé of Gary.[2]

From 1873 to 1876, Tillman served as a member of the Sweetwater club, members of which assaulted and intimidated black would-be voters, killed black political figures, and skirmished with the African-American-dominated state militia.[2] Economic coercion was used as well as physical force: most Edgefield planters would not employ black militiamen or allow them to rent land, and ostracized whites who did.[21]

Eri, the father of all Igbos, who hailed from Israel was the fifth son of Gad, the seventh son of Jacob (Genesis 46:15-18 and Numbers 26:16:18). He migrated from Egypt with a group of companions just before the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt many centuries

More on bad conditions in Edo state.

Lack Of Electricity
Kekere also lacks electricity. The residents survive by the use of personal generators.
In the 2018 Edo State budget, the government provides for electrification of Kekere and other neighboring communities under the line item – “extension of electricity from Essi to Boluwa, Kekere and Lakaloko.”
The electrification project alongside related projects was placed in the budget of the Ministry of Physical Planning and Urban Development at a total cost of N60 million. The related projects include construction of perimeter fence at Umaza (Phase 3); construction of 6 Nos. classroom block with office at Adolor primary school Umaza; renovation of 3 Nos. classroom in ovia primary school Ugbo; renovation of okponha primary school at Okponha; rehabilitation of old udo/iguobazuwa road 7km and extension of electricity from Essi to Boluwa, Lakaloka and Kekere communities
When PREMIUM TIMES visited, the electricity project was yet to commence and the people were not even aware of the budget provision.
Rapheal Ani, a resident of the community, narrated the hardship his family faces due to the electricity challenges faced by the community.
“I have faced untold hardship because the business my wife does is selling frozen foods and that has crumbled because of electricity failure,” he said. “We spend on fuel and contants service of the generators until it became unrepairable.”
Another resident, who identified himself as Chris, said the darkness renders the communitiy lifeless at night. “It is depressing and makes residents expecially kids vulnerable to dangerous animals

We should be wearing jew attires not Benin people

Tillman
Tillman crop.jpg
Tillman around 1910
United States Senator

from South Carolina
In office

March 4, 1895 – July 3, 1918
Preceded by
Matthew Butler
Succeeded by
Christie Benet
84th Governor of South Carolina
In office

December 4, 1890 – December 4, 1894
Lieutenant
Eugene B. Gary (1890–1893)

Washington H. Timmerman (1893–1894)
Preceded by
John Peter Richardson III
Succeeded by
John Gary Evans
Personal details
Born
Benjamin Ryan Tillman Jr.

August 11, 1847

Trenton, South Carolina, U.S.
Died
July 3, 1918 (aged 70)

Washington, D.C., U.S.
Political party
Democratic
Spouse(s)
Sallie Starke (1868–1918, his death)
Relations
George Dionysius Tillman (brother)
Children
7
Nickname(s)
"Pitchfork Ben"
In the 1880s, Tillman, a wealthy landowner, became dissatisfied with the Democratic leadership and led a movement of white farmers calling for reform. He was initially unsuccessful, though he was instrumental in the founding of Clemson University as an agricultural school. In 1890, Tillman took control of the state Democratic Party, and was elected governor. During his four years in office, 18 Black Americans were lynched in South Carolina—the 1890s saw the most lynchings of any decade in South Carolina. Tillman tried to prevent lynchings, but spoke in support of the lynch mobs, stating his own willingness to lead one. In 1894, at the end of his second two-year term, he was elected to the U.S. Senate by vote of the state legislature.

Tillman was known as "Pitchfork Ben" because of his aggressive language, as when he threatened to use a pitchfork to prod that "bag of beef", President Grover Cleveland. Considered a possible candidate for the Democratic nomination for president in 1896, Tillman lost any chance after giving a disastrous speech at the convention. He became known for his virulent oratory, especially against Black Americans but also as an effective legislator. The first federal campaign finance law, banning corporate contributions, is commonly called the Tillman Act. Tillman was repeatedly re-elected, serving in the Senate for the rest of his life. One of his legacies was South Carolina's 1895 constitution, which disenfranchised most of the black majority and ensured white rule for more than half a century.

Early life and education Edit
Benjamin Ryan Tillman Jr. was born on August 11, 1847, on the family plantation "Chester", near Trenton, in the Edgefield District,[a] sometimes considered part of upcountry South Carolina. His parents, Benjamin Ryan Tillman, Sr. and the former Sophia Hancock, were of English descent.[1][2] In addition to being planters with 86 slaves, the Tillmans operated an inn. Benjamin Jr. was the last born of seven sons and four daughters.[3]

Edgefield was known as a violent place, even by the standards of antebellum South Carolina,[4] where matters of personal honor might be addressed with a killing or duel.[5] Before Tillman Sr.'s death from typhoid fever in 1849, he had killed a man and been convicted of rioting by an Edgefield jury. One of his sons died in a duel; another was killed in a domestic dispute. A third died in the Mexican–American War; a fourth of disease aged 15.[2][6] Of Benjamin Jr.'s two surviving brothers, one died of Civil War wounds after returning home, and the other, George, killed a man who accused him of cheating at gambling. Convicted of manslaughter, George continued to practice law from his jail cell during his two-year sentence, and was elected to the state senate while still incarcerated.[6][7] He later served several terms in Congress.[8]

From an early age, Ben showed a developed vocabulary. In 1860, he was sent to Bethany, a boarding school in Edgefield where he became a star student, and he remained there after the American Civil War began. In 1863, he came home for a year to help his mother pay off debts. He returned to Bethany in 1864, intending a final year of study prior to entering the South Carolina College (today, the University of South Carolina). The South's desperate need for soldiers ended this plan, and in June 1864, still not yet 17, he withdrew from the academy, making arrangements to join a coastal artillery unit. These plans were scuttled as well when he fell ill at home.[9] A cranial tumor led to the removal of his left eye, and it was not until 1866, months after Confederate forces had disbanded, that Ben Tillman was again healthy.[2]

After the war, Ben Tillman, his mother, and his wounded brother James (who died in 1866) worked to rebuild Chester plantation. They signed the plantation's freedmen as workers. They were confronted with the circumstance of several men refusing to work for them and legally leaving the plantation. From 1866 to 1868, Ben Tillman went with several workers from the plantation to Florida, where a new cotton-planting belt had been established. The Tillmans purchased land there. Tillman was unsuccessful in Florida—after two marginal years, the 1868 crop was destroyed by caterpillars.[10]

During his convalescence, Tillman had met Sallie Starke, a refugee from Fairfield District. They married in January 1868[2] and she joined him in Florida.[10] The Tillmans returned to South Carolina, where the following year they settled on 430 acres (170 ha) of Tillman family land, given to him by his mother.[2] They would have seven children together: Adeline, Benjamin Ryan, Henry Cummings, Margaret Malona, Sophia Oliver, Samuel Starke, and Sallie Mae.[11]

Tillman, though he was not very religious, was a frequent churchgoer as a young adult. He was a Christian, but did not identify with a particular sect; as a result, he never formally joined a church. His religious skepticism also led to his avoidance of any further churchgoing almost immediately following his becoming a politician.[12]

Tillman proved an adept farmer, who experimented with crop diversification[2] and took his crops to market each Saturday in nearby Augusta, Georgia. In 1878, Tillman inherited 170 acres (69 ha) from Sophia Tillman, and purchased 650 acres (260 ha) at Ninety Six, some 30 miles (48 km) from his Edgefield holdings.[13] Having inherited a large library from his uncle John Tillman, he spent part of his days reading.[14] Although his workers were no longer slaves, Tillman continued to apply the whip to them. By 1876, Tillman was the largest landowner in Edgefield County. He rode through his fields on horseback like an antebellum overseer, and stated at the time that it was necessary that he do so to "drive the slovenly Negroes to work".[15]

Red Shirts and Reconstruction Edit
Resistance to Republican rule Edit
Further information: Reconstruction Era in the United States and South Carolina gubernatorial election, 1876
With the Confederacy defeated, South Carolina ratified a new constitution in 1865 that recognized the end of slavery, but basically left the pre-war elites in charge. African American freedmen, who were the majority of South Carolina's population, were given no vote, and their new freedom was soon restricted by Black Codes that limited their civil rights and required black farm laborers to bind themselves with annual labor contracts. Congress was dissatisfied with this minimal change and required a new constitutional convention and elections with universal male suffrage. As African Americans generally favored the Republican Party at the time, that party controlled the biracial state legislature beginning with the 1868 elections.[16] That campaign was marked by violence—19 Republican and Union League activists were killed in South Carolina's 3rd congressional district alone.[17]


Martin Witherspoon Gary
In 1873, two Edgefield lawyers and former Confederate generals, Martin Gary and Matthew C. Butler, began to advocate what became known as the "Edgefield Plan" or "Straightout Plan". They believed that the previous five years had shown it was not possible to outvote African Americans. Gary and Butler deemed compromises with black leaders to be misguided; they felt white men must be restored to their antebellum position of preeminent political power in the state. They proposed that white men form clandestine paramilitary organizations—known as "rifle clubs"—and use force and intimidation to drive the African American from power. Members of the new white groups became known as Red Shirts. Tillman was an early and enthusiastic recruit for his local organization, dubbed the Sweetwater Sabre Club.[18][19][20] He became a devoted protégé of Gary.

From 1873 to 1876, Tillman served as a member of the Sweetwater club, members of which assaulted and intimidated black would-be voters, killed black political figures, and skirmished with the African-American-dominated state militia.[2] Economic coercion was used as well as physical force: most Edgefield planters would not employ black militiamen or allow them to rent land, and ostracized whites who did.[21]

When the obi didn't pay homage to the oba of Benin, he placed a curse on us.

White supremacy or white supremacism is the racist belief that white people are superior to people of other races and therefore should be dominant over them. White supremacy has roots in scientific racism, and it often relies on pseudoscientific arguments. Like most similar movements such as neo-Nazism, white supremacists typically oppose members of other races as well as Jews.

The term is also typically used to describe a political ideology that perpetuates and maintains the social, political, historical, or institutional domination by white people (as evidenced by historical and contemporary sociopolitical structures such as the Atlantic slave trade, Jim Crow laws in the United States, and apartheid in South Africa).[1][2] Different forms of white supremacism put forth different conceptions of who is considered white, and different groups of white supremacists identify various racial and cultural groups as their primary enemy.[3]

In academic usage, particularly in usage which draws on critical race theory or Intersectionality, the term "white supremacy" can also refer to a political or socioeconomic system, in which white people enjoy a structural advantage (privilege) over other ethnic groups, on both a collective and individual level.

History Edit
White supremacy has ideological foundations that date back to 17th-century scientific racism, the predominant paradigm of human variation that helped shape international relations and racial policy from the latter part of the Age of Enlightenment until the late 20th century (marked by decolonization and the abolition of apartheid in South Africa in 1991, followed by that country's first multiracial elections in 1994).


The Battle of Liberty Place monument in Louisiana was erected in 1891 by the white dominated New Orleans government. An inscription added in 1932 states that the 1876 US Presidential Election "recognized white supremacy in the South and gave us our state". It was removed in 2017 and placed in storage.

Ku Klux Klan parade in Washington, D.C. in 1926
United States Edit
Main category: White supremacy in the United States
See also: Racism in the United States
White supremacy was dominant in the United States both before and after the American Civil War, and it persisted for decades after the Reconstruction Era.[4] In the antebellum South, this included the holding of African Americans in chattel slavery, with four million of them denied freedom.[5] The outbreak of the Civil War saw the desire to uphold white supremacy being cited as a cause for state secession[6] and the formation of the Confederate States of America.[7] In an editorial about Native Americans in 1890, author L. Frank Baum wrote: "The Whites, by law of conquest, by justice of civilization, are masters of the American continent, and the best safety of the frontier settlements will be secured by the total annihilation of the few remaining Indians."[8]

In some parts of the United States, many people who were considered non-white were disenfranchised, barred from government office, and prevented from holding most government jobs well into the second half of the 20th century. Professor Leland T. Saito of the University of Southern California writes: "Throughout the history of the United States, race has been used by whites for legitimizing and creating difference and social, economic and political exclusion."[9] The Naturalization Act of 1790 limited U.S. citizenship to whites only.[10]

The denial of social and political freedom for minorities continued into the mid-20th century, resulting in the civil rights movement.[11] Sociologist Stephen Klineberg has stated that U.S. immigration laws prior to 1965 clearly declared "that Northern Europeans are a superior subspecies of the white race".[12] The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 opened entry to the U.S. to immigrants other than traditional Northern European and Germanic groups, and significantly altered the demographic mix in the U.S as a result.[12] Many U.S. states banned interracial marriage through anti-miscegenation laws until 1967, when these laws were invalidated by the Supreme Court of the United States' decision in Loving v. Virginia. These mid-century gains had a major impact on white Americans' political views; segregation and white racial superiority, which had been publicly endorsed in the 1940s, became minority views within the white community by the mid-1970s, and continued to decline into 1990s polls to a single-digit percentage.[13][14] For sociologist Howard Winant, these shifts marked the end of "monolithic white supremacy" in the United States.[15]

After the mid-1960s, white supremacy remained an important ideology in the American far-right.[16] Howard Winant writes that, "On the far right the cornerstone of white identity is belief in an ineluctable, unalterable racialized difference between whites and nonwhites."[17] According to Kathleen Belew, a historian of race and racism in the United States, white militancy shifted after the Vietnam War from supporting the existing racial order to a more radical position—self-described as "white power" or "white nationalism"—committed to overthrowing the United States government and establishing a white homeland.[18][19] White supremacist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, neo-Nazi organizations, the Christian Identity movement, and racist skinheads make up two of the three major strands of violent right-wing movements in the United States (the third is anti-government militia organizations).[20][21]

Some academics argue that outcomes from the 2016 United States Presidential Election reflect ongoing challenges with white supremacy. Psychologist Janet Helms suggested that the norming behaviors of social institutions of education, government, and healthcare are organized around the "birthright of...the power to control society's resources and determine the rules for [those resources]".[2] Educators, literary theorists, and other political experts have raised similar questions, connecting the scapegoating of disenfranchised populations to white superiority.[22][23]

Effect of the media

White supremacy or white supremacism is the racist belief that white people are superior to people of other races and therefore should be dominant over them. White supremacy has roots in scientific racism, and it often relies on pseudoscientific arguments. Like most similar movements such as neo-Nazism, white supremacists typically oppose members of other races as well as Jews.

The term is also typically used to describe a political ideology that perpetuates and maintains the social, political, historical, or institutional domination by white people (as evidenced by historical and contemporary sociopolitical structures such as the Atlantic

In academic usage, particularly in usage which draws on critical race theory or Intersectionality, the term "white supremacy" can also refer to a political or socioeconomic system, in which white people enjoy a structural advantage (privilege) over other ethnic groups, on both a collective and individual level.

History Edit
White supremacy has ideological foundations that date back to 17th-century scientific racism, the predominant paradigm of human variation that helped shape international relations and racial policy from the latter part of the Age of Enlightenment until the late 20th century (marked by decolonization and the abolition of apartheid in South Africa in 1991, followed by that country's first multiracial elections in 1994).


The Battle of Liberty Place monument in Louisiana was erected in 1891 by the white dominated New Orleans government. An inscription added in 1932 states that the 1876 US Presidential Election "recognized white supremacy in the South and gave us our state". It was removed in 2017 and placed in storage.

Ku Klux Klan parade in Washington, D.C. in 1926
United States Edit
Main category: White supremacy in the United States
See also: Racism in the United States
White supremacy was dominant in the United States both before and after the American Civil War, and it persisted for decades after the Reconstruction Era.[4] In the antebellum South, this included the holding of African Americans in chattel slavery, with four million of them denied freedom.[5] The outbreak of the Civil War saw the desire to uphold white supremacy being cited as a cause for state secession[6] and the formation of the Confederate States of America.[7] In an editorial about Native Americans in 1890, author L. Frank Baum wrote: "The Whites, by law of conquest, by justice of civilization, are masters of the American continent, and the best safety of the frontier settlements will be secured by the total annihilation of the few remaining Indians."[8]

In some parts of the United States, many people who were considered non-white were disenfranchised, barred from government office, and prevented from holding most government jobs well into the second half of the 20th century. Professor Leland T. Saito of the University of Southern California writes: "Throughout the history of the United States, race has been used by whites for legitimizing and creating difference and social, economic and political exclusion."[9] The Naturalization Act of 1790 limited U.S. citizenship to whites only.[10]

The denial of social and political freedom for minorities continued into the mid-20th century, resulting in the civil rights movement.[11] Sociologist Stephen Klineberg has stated that U.S. immigration laws prior to 1965 clearly declared "that Northern Europeans are a superior subspecies of the white race".[12] The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 opened entry to the U.S. to immigrants other than traditional Northern European and Germanic groups, and significantly altered the demographic mix in the U.S as a result.[12] Many U.S. states banned interracial marriage through anti-miscegenation laws until 1967, when these laws were invalidated by the Supreme Court of the United States' decision in Loving v. Virginia. These mid-century gains had a major impact on white Americans' political views; segregation and white racial superiority, which had been publicly endorsed in the 1940s, became minority views within the white community by the mid-1970s, and continued to decline into 1990s polls to a single-digit percentage.[13][14] For sociologist Howard Winant, these shifts marked the end of "monolithic white supremacy" in the United States.[15]

After the mid-1960s, white supremacy remained an important ideology in the American far-right.[16] Howard Winant writes that, "On the far right the cornerstone of white identity is belief in an ineluctable, unalterable racialized difference between whites and nonwhites."[17] According to Kathleen Belew, a historian of race and racism in the United States, white militancy shifted after the Vietnam War from supporting the existing racial order to a more radical position—self-described as "white power" or "white nationalism"—committed to overthrowing the United States government and establishing a white homeland.[18][19] White supremacist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, neo-Nazi organizations, the Christian Identity movement, and racist skinheads make up two of the three major strands of violent right-wing movements in the United States (the third is anti-government militia organizations).[20][21]

Some academics argue that outcomes from the 2016 United States Presidential Election reflect ongoing challenges with white supremacy. Psychologist Janet Helms suggested that the norming behaviors of social institutions of education, government, and healthcare are organized around the "birthright of...the power to control society's resources and determine the rules for [those resources]".[2] Educators, literary theorists, and other political experts have raised similar questions, connecting the scapegoating of disenfranchised populations to white superiority.[22][23]

Effect of the media

White supremacy or white supremacism is the racist belief that white people are superior to people of other races and therefore should be dominant over them. White supremacy has roots in scientific racism, and it often relies on pseudoscientific arguments. Like most similar movements such as neo-Nazism, white supremacists typically oppose members of other races as well as Jews.

The term is also typically used to describe a political ideology that perpetuates and maintains the social, political, historical, or institutional domination by white people (as evidenced by historical and contemporary sociopolitical structures such as the Atlantic slave trade, Jim Crow laws in the United States, and apartheid in South Africa).[1][2] Different forms of white supremacism put forth different conceptions of who is considered white, and different groups of white supremacists identify various racial and cultural groups as their primary enemy.[3]

In academic usage, particularly in usage which draws on critical race theory or Intersectionality, the term "white supremacy" can also refer to a political or socioeconomic system, in which white people enjoy a structural advantage (privilege) over other ethnic groups, on both a collective and individual level.

History Edit
White supremacy has ideological foundations that date back to 17th-century scientific racism, the predominant paradigm of human variation that helped shape international relations and racial policy from the latter part of the Age of Enlightenment until the late 20th century (marked by decolonization and the abolition of apartheid in South Africa in 1991, followed by that country's first multiracial elections in 1994).


The Battle of Liberty Place monument in Louisiana was erected in 1891 by the white dominated New Orleans government. An inscription added in 1932 states that the 1876 US Presidential Election "recognized white supremacy in the South and gave us our state". It was removed in 2017 and placed in storage.

Ku Klux Klan parade in Washington, D.C. in 1926
United States Edit
Main category: White supremacy in the United States
See also: Racism in the United States
White supremacy was dominant in the United States both before and after the American Civil War, and it persisted for decades after the Reconstruction Era.[4] In the antebellum South, this included the holding of African Americans in chattel slavery, with four million of them denied freedom.[5] The outbreak of the Civil War saw the desire to uphold white supremacy being cited as a cause for state secession[6] and the formation of the Confederate States of America.[7] In an editorial about Native Americans in 1890, author L. Frank Baum wrote: "The Whites, by law of conquest, by justice of civilization, are masters of the American continent, and the best safety of the frontier settlements will be secured by the total annihilation of the few remaining Indians."[8]

In some parts of the United States, many people who were considered non-white were disenfranchised, barred from government office, and prevented from holding most government jobs well into the second half of the 20th century. Professor Leland T. Saito of the University of Southern California writes: "Throughout the history of the United States, race has been used by whites for legitimizing and creating difference and social, economic and political exclusion."[9] The Naturalization Act of 1790 limited U.S. citizenship to whites only.[10]

The denial of social and political freedom for minorities continued into the mid-20th century, resulting in the civil rights movement.[11] Sociologist Stephen Klineberg has stated that U.S. immigration laws prior to 1965 clearly declared "that Northern Europeans are a superior subspecies of the white race".[12] The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 opened entry to the U.S. to immigrants other than traditional Northern European and Germanic groups, and significantly altered the demographic mix in the U.S as a result.[12] Many U.S. states banned interracial marriage through anti-miscegenation laws until 1967, when these laws were invalidated by the Supreme Court of the United States' decision in Loving v. Virginia. These mid-century gains had a major impact on white Americans' political views; segregation and white racial superiority, which had been publicly endorsed in the 1940s, became minority views within the white community by the mid-1970s, and continued to decline into 1990s polls to a single-digit percentage.[13][14] For sociologist Howard Winant, these shifts marked the end of "monolithic white supremacy" in the United States.[15]

After the mid-1960s, white supremacy remained an important ideology in the American far-right.[16] Howard Winant writes that, "On the far right the cornerstone of white identity is belief in an ineluctable, unalterable racialized difference between whites and nonwhites."[17] According to Kathleen Belew, a historian of race and racism in the United States, white militancy shifted after the Vietnam War from supporting the existing racial order to a more radical position—self-described as "white power" or "white nationalism"—committed to overthrowing the United States government and establishing a white homeland.[18][19] White supremacist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, neo-Nazi organizations, the Christian Identity movement, and racist skinheads make up two of the three major strands of violent right-wing movements in the United States (the third is anti-government militia organizations).[20][21]

Some academics argue that outcomes from the 2016 United States Presidential Election reflect ongoing challenges with white supremacy. Psychologist Janet Helms suggested that the norming behaviors of social institutions of education, government, and healthcare are organized around the "birthright of...the power to control society's resources and determine the rules for [those resources]".[2] Educators, literary theorists, and other political experts have raised similar questions, connecting the scapegoating of disenfranchised populations to white superiority.[22][23]

Frustrated Community Leaders
The community leaders at Kekere expressed their displeasure over the absence of government projects in the community. One of the leaders, Ben Bowie, who spoke with PREMIUM TIMES said they have written several letters to the state and local governments.
“Apart from the school in this community, there is nothing to show again that we have government here. Since the inception of democracy. This community has been left to ruin.
“We have had several meetings with the local government chairmen that come to power every four years but these proved abortive. In fact, the present local government chairman doesn’t know this place. Many have fallen on Okada (motorcycle) and died on that road, many children have been buried because of lack of single primary health centre.

“I don’t think we are demanding too much, we are only asking for our right and what is expected of us. We live in shocking poverty and not happy with the situation of things. Power supply is even nothing to write about,” he said

The curse is still working till today..

We are landlocked, erosion ridden region with no federal presence.. no ethnic or tribal groups like us.

Yes we are curse

White supremacy or white supremacism is the racist belief that white people are superior to people of other races and therefore should be dominant over them. White supremacy has roots in scientific racism, and it often relies on pseudoscientific arguments. Like most similar movements such as neo-Nazism, white supremacists typically oppose members of other races as well as Jews.

The term is also typically used to describe a political ideology that perpetuates and maintains the social, political, historical, or institutional domination by white people (as evidenced by historical and contemporary sociopolitical structures such as the Atlantic slave trade, Jim Crow laws in the United States, and apartheid in South Africa).[1][2] Different forms of white supremacism put forth different conceptions of who is considered white, and different groups of white supremacists identify various racial and cultural groups as their primary enemy.[3]

In academic usage, particularly in usage which draws on critical race theory or Intersectionality, the term "white supremacy" can also refer to a political or socioeconomic system, in which white people enjoy a structural advantage (privilege) over other ethnic groups, on both a collective and individual level.

History Edit
White supremacy has ideological foundations that date back to 17th-century scientific racism, the predominant paradigm of human variation that helped shape international relations and racial policy from the latter part of the Age of Enlightenment until the late 20th century (marked by decolonization and the abolition of apartheid in South Africa in 1991, followed by that country's first multiracial elections in 1994).


The Battle of Liberty Place monument in Louisiana was erected in 1891 by the white dominated New Orleans government. An inscription added in 1932 states that the 1876 US Presidential Election "recognized white supremacy in the South and gave us our state". It was removed in 2017 and placed in storage.

Ku Klux Klan parade in Washington, D.C. in 1926
United States Edit
Main category: White supremacy in the United States
See also: Racism in the United States
White supremacy was dominant in the United States both before and after the American Civil War, and it persisted for decades after the Reconstruction Era.[4] In the antebellum South, this included the holding of African Americans in chattel slavery, with four million of them denied freedom.[5] The outbreak of the Civil War saw the desire to uphold white supremacy being cited as a cause for state secession[6] and the formation of the Confederate States of America.[7] In an editorial about Native Americans in 1890, author L. Frank Baum wrote: "The Whites, by law of conquest, by justice of civilization, are masters of the American continent, and the best safety of the frontier settlements will be secured by the total annihilation of the few remaining Indians."[8]

In some parts of the United States, many people who were considered non-white were disenfranchised, barred from government office, and prevented from holding most government jobs well into the second half of the 20th century. Professor Leland T. Saito of the University of Southern California writes: "Throughout the history of the United States, race has been used by whites for legitimizing and creating difference and social, economic and political exclusion."[9] The Naturalization Act of 1790 limited U.S. citizenship to whites only.[10]

The denial of social and political freedom for minorities continued into the mid-20th century, resulting in the civil rights movement.[11] Sociologist Stephen Klineberg has stated that U.S. immigration laws prior to 1965 clearly declared "that Northern Europeans are a superior subspecies of the white race".[12] The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 opened entry to the U.S. to immigrants other than traditional Northern European and Germanic groups, and significantly altered the demographic mix in the U.S as a result.[12] Many U.S. states banned interracial marriage through anti-miscegenation laws until 1967, when these laws were invalidated by the Supreme Court of the United States' decision in Loving v. Virginia. These mid-century gains had a major impact on white Americans' political views; segregation and white racial superiority, which had been publicly endorsed in the 1940s, became minority views within the white community by the mid-1970s, and continued to decline into 1990s polls to a single-digit percentage.[13][14] For sociologist Howard Winant, these shifts marked the end of "monolithic white supremacy" in the United States.[15]

After the mid-1960s, white supremacy remained an important ideology in the American far-right.[16] Howard Winant writes that, "On the far right the cornerstone of white identity is belief in an ineluctable, unalterable racialized difference between whites and nonwhites."[17] According to Kathleen Belew, a historian of race and racism in the United States, white militancy shifted after the Vietnam War from supporting the existing racial order to a more radical position—self-described as "white power" or "white nationalism"—committed to overthrowing the United States government and establishing a white homeland.[18][19] White supremacist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, neo-Nazi organizations, the Christian Identity movement, and racist skinheads make up two of the three major strands of violent right-wing movements in the United States (the third is anti-government militia organizations).[20][21]

Some academics argue that outcomes from the 2016 United States Presidential Election reflect ongoing challenges with white supremacy. Psychologist Janet Helms suggested that the norming behaviors of social institutions of education, government, and healthcare are organized around the "birthright of...the power to control society's resources and determine the rules for [those resources]".[2] Educators, literary theorists, and other political experts have raised similar questions, connecting the scapegoating of disenfranchised populations to white superiority.[22][23]

Effect of the media

Igbo should beg the oba to reverse the curse oo

Or else we'll continue to be kick around

Lunatics everywhere, but we must continue....
Benin is a defeated kingdom, it's ruin will not last the next 20years and it will be under the Caliphate just like ilorin.. All clans,villages,towns and cities with igbo identities must be brought under the control of the great igbo kingdom, that is our mission and our CHI is with us.

Nice one op, we all know from history that onitsa belongs to tue benins.

Oba of Benin should please reverse the curse on ndigbo

White supremacy or white supremacism is the racist belief that white people are superior to people of other races and therefore should be dominant over them. White supremacy has roots in scientific racism, and it often relies on pseudoscientific arguments. Like most similar movements such as neo-Nazism, white supremacists typically oppose members of oth

The term is also typically used to describe a political ideology that perpetuates and maintains the social, political, historical, or institutional domination by white people (as evidenced by historical and contemporary sociopolitical structures such as the Atlantic slave trade, Jim Crow laws in the United States, and apartheid in South Africa).[1][2] Different forms of white supremacism put forth different conceptions of who is considered white, and different groups of white supremacists identify various racial and cultural groups as their primary enemy.[3]

In academic usage, particularly in usage which draws on critical race theory or Intersectionality, the term "white supremacy" can also refer to a political or socioeconomic system, in which white people enjoy a structural advantage (privilege) over other ethnic groups, on both a collective and individual level.

History Edit
White supremacy has ideological foundations that date back to 17th-century scientific racism, the predominant paradigm of human variation that helped shape international relations and racial policy from the latter part of the Age of Enlightenment until the late 20th century (marked by decolonization and the abolition of apartheid in South Africa in 1991, followed by that country's first multiracial elections in 1994).


The Battle of Liberty Place monument in Louisiana was erected in 1891 by the white dominated New Orleans government. An inscription added in 1932 states that the 1876 US Presidential Election "recognized white supremacy in the South and gave us our state". It was removed in 2017 and placed in storage.

Ku Klux Klan parade in Washington, D.C. in 1926
United States Edit
Main category: White supremacy in the United States
See also: Racism in the United States
White supremacy was dominant in the United States both before and after the American Civil War, and it persisted for decades after the Reconstruction Era.[4] In the antebellum South, this included the holding of African Americans in chattel slavery, with four million of them denied freedom.[5] The outbreak of the Civil War saw the desire to uphold white supremacy being cited as a cause for state secession[6] and the formation of the Confederate States of America.[7] In an editorial about Native Americans in 1890, author L. Frank Baum wrote: "The Whites, by law of conquest, by justice of civilization, are masters of the American continent, and the best safety of the frontier settlements will be secured by the total annihilation of the few remaining Indians."[8]

In some parts of the United States, many people who were considered non-white were disenfranchised, barred from government office, and prevented from holding most government jobs well into the second half of the 20th century. Professor Leland T. Saito of the University of Southern California writes: "Throughout the history of the United States, race has been used by whites for legitimizing and creating difference and social, economic and political exclusion."[9] The Naturalization Act of 1790 limited U.S. citizenship to whites only.[10]

The denial of social and political freedom for minorities continued into the mid-20th century, resulting in the civil rights movement.[11] Sociologist Stephen Klineberg has stated that U.S. immigration laws prior to 1965 clearly declared "that Northern Europeans are a superior subspecies of the white race".[12] The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 opened entry to the U.S. to immigrants other than traditional Northern European and Germanic groups, and significantly altered the demographic mix in the U.S as a result.[12] Many U.S. states banned interracial marriage through anti-miscegenation laws until 1967, when these laws were invalidated by the Supreme Court of the United States' decision in Loving v. Virginia. These mid-century gains had a major impact on white Americans' political views; segregation and white racial superiority, which had been publicly endorsed in the 1940s, became minority views within the white community by the mid-1970s, and continued to decline into 1990s polls to a single-digit percentage.[13][14] For sociologist Howard Winant, these shifts marked the end of "monolithic white supremacy" in the United States.[15]

After the mid-1960s, white supremacy remained an important ideology in the American far-right.[16] Howard Winant writes that, "On the far right the cornerstone of white identity is belief in an ineluctable, unalterable racialized difference between whites and nonwhites."[17] According to Kathleen Belew, a historian of race and racism in the United States, white militancy shifted after the Vietnam War from supporting the existing racial order to a more radical position—self-described as "white power" or "white nationalism"—committed to overthrowing the United States government and establishing a white homeland.[18][19] White supremacist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, neo-Nazi organizations, the Christian Identity movement, and racist skinheads make up two of the three major strands of violent right-wing movements in the United States (the third is anti-government militia organizations).[20][21]

Some academics argue that outcomes from the 2016 United States Presidential Election reflect ongoing challenges with white supremacy. Psychologist Janet Helms suggested that the norming behaviors of social institutions of education, government, and healthcare are organized around the "birthright of...the power to control society's resources and determine the rules for [those resources]".[2] Educators, literary theorists, and other political experts have raised similar questions, connecting the scapegoating of disenfranchised populations to white superiority.[22][23]

Effect of the media

Someone is on an LSD trip.
Psychedelic things....


Dont worry Onitsha will be given to Edo in the year 6700, inu go

I’m Unaware – Official
Several calls and text messages sent to Edo State Commissioner for Local Government, Jimoh Ijegbai, were unanswered.
However, when contacted, the Chairman of Ovia South West Local Government, Destiny Enabule, told PREMIUM TIMES that he was not aware that the community did not have a healthcare centre, electricity, potable water and school amongst others.
“I am not aware that Kekere Community did not have all these you have listed and it is not our fault. You see, the community needs to start taking responsibilities on their own,” he said. “Fine, the government should provide welfare but we need to know what they want. If you say they want schools and all that, do we know if they want that? The community must first talk to their leaders that they want something and then they (leaders) will communicate with us.”
When PREMIUM TIMES faulted his argument that basic amenities such as roads, hospital and others are social responsibilities of the government, he claimed the government “cannot implement projects they don’t ask for “Even the school that you are talking about that teachers only come three times in a week… Is it the government that will drag teachers to work. Anyway, since you have made this known, I will speak with ‘higher authorities and lower authorities’ to find a solution to their problem.

White supremacy or white supremacism is the racist belief that white people are superior to people of other races and therefore should be dominant over them. White supremacy has roots in scientific racism, and it often relies on pseudoscientific arguments. Like most similar movements such as neo-Nazism, white supremacists typically oppose members of other races as well as Jews.

The term is also typically used to describe a political ideology that perpetuates and maintains the social, political, historical, or institutional domination by white people (as evidenced by historical and contemporary sociopolitical structures such as the Atlantic slave trade, Jim Crow laws in the United States, and apartheid in South Africa).[1][2] Different forms of white supremacism put forth different conceptions of who is considered white, and different groups of white supremacists identify various racial and cultural groups as their primary enemy.[3]

In academic usage, particularly in usage which draws on critical race theory or Intersectionality, the term "white supremacy" can also refer to a political or socioeconomic system, in which white people enjoy a structural advantage (privilege) over other ethnic groups, on both a collective and individual level.

History Edit
White supremacy has ideological foundations that date back to 17th-century scientific racism, the predominant paradigm of human variation that helped shape international relations and racial policy from the latter part of the Age of Enlightenment until the late 20th century (marked by decolonization and the abolition of apartheid in South Africa in 1991, followed by that country's first multiracial elections in 1994).


The Battle of Liberty Place monument in Louisiana was erected in 1891 by the white dominated New Orleans government. An inscription added in 1932 states that the 1876 US Presidential Election "recognized white supremacy in the South and gave us our state". It was removed in 2017 and placed in storage.

Ku Klux Klan parade in Washington, D.C. in 1926
United States Edit
Main category: White supremacy in the United States
See also: Racism in the United States
White supremacy was dominant in the United States both before and after the American Civil War, and it persisted for decades after the Reconstruction Era.[4] In the antebellum South, this included the holding of African Americans in chattel slavery, with four million of them denied freedom.[5] The outbreak of the Civil War saw the desire to uphold white supremacy being cited as a cause for state secession[6] and the formation of the Confederate States of America.[7] In an editorial about Native Americans in 1890, author L. Frank Baum wrote: "The Whites, by law of conquest, by justice of civilization, are masters of the American continent, and the best safety of the frontier settlements will be secured by the total annihilation of the few remaining Indians."[8]

In some parts of the United States, many people who were considered non-white were disenfranchised, barred from government office, and prevented from holding most government jobs well into the second half of the 20th century. Professor Leland T. Saito of the University of Southern California writes: "Throughout the history of the United States, race has been used by whites for legitimizing and creating difference and social, economic and political exclusion."[9] The Naturalization Act of 1790 limited U.S. citizenship to whites only.[10]

The denial of social and political freedom for minorities continued into the mid-20th century, resulting in the civil rights movement.[11] Sociologist Stephen Klineberg has stated that U.S. immigration laws prior to 1965 clearly declared "that Northern Europeans are a superior subspecies of the white race".[12] The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 opened entry to the U.S. to immigrants other than traditional Northern European and Germanic groups, and significantly altered the demographic mix in the U.S as a result.[12] Many U.S. states banned interracial marriage through anti-miscegenation laws until 1967, when these laws were invalidated by the Supreme Court of the United States' decision in Loving v. Virginia. These mid-century gains had a major impact on white Americans' political views; segregation and white racial superiority, which had been publicly endorsed in the 1940s, became minority views within the white community by the mid-1970s, and continued to decline into 1990s polls to a single-digit percentage.[13][14] For sociologist Howard Winant, these shifts marked the end of "monolithic white supremacy" in the United States.[15]

After the mid-1960s, white supremacy remained an important ideology in the American far-right.[16] Howard Winant writes that, "On the far right the cornerstone of white identity is belief in an ineluctable, unalterable racialized difference between whites and nonwhites."[17] According to Kathleen Belew, a historian of race and racism in the United States, white militancy shifted after the Vietnam War from supporting the existing racial order to a more radical position—self-described as "white power" or "white nationalism"—committed to overthrowing the United States government and establishing a white homeland.[18][19] White supremacist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, neo-Nazi organizations, the Christian Identity movement, and racist skinheads make up two of the three major strands of violent right-wing movements in the United States (the third is anti-government militia organizations).[20][21]

Some academics argue that outcomes from the 2016 United States Presidential Election reflect ongoing challenges with white supremacy. Psychologist Janet Helms suggested that the norming behaviors of social institutions of education, government, and healthcare are organized around the "birthright of...the power to control society's resources and determine the rules for [those resources]".[2] Educators, literary theorists, and other political experts have raised similar questions, connecting the scapegoating of disenfranchised populations to white superiority.[22][23]

Effect of the media

White supremacy or white supremacism is the racist belief that white people are superior to people of other races and therefore should be dominant over them. White supremacy has roots in scientific racism, and it often relies on pseudoscientific arguments. Like most similar movements such as neo-Nazism, white supremacists typically oppose members of other races as well as Jews.

The term is also typically used to describe a political ideology that perpetuates and maintains the social, political, historical, or institutional domination by white people (as evidenced by historical and contemporary sociopolitical structures such as the Atlantic slave trade, Jim Crow laws in the United States, and apartheid in South Africa).[1][2] Different forms of white supremacism put forth different conceptions of who is considered white, and different groups of white supremacists identify various racial and cultural groups as their primary enemy.[3]

In academic usage, particularly in usage which draws on critical race theory or Intersectionality, the term "white supremacy" can also refer to a political or socioeconomic system, in which white people enjoy a structural advantage (privilege) over other ethnic groups, on both a collective and individual level.

History Edit
White supremacy has ideological foundations that date back to 17th-century scientific racism, the predominant paradigm of human variation that helped shape international relations and racial policy from the latter part of the Age of Enlightenment until the late 20th century (marked by decolonization and the abolition of apartheid in South Africa in 1991, followed by that country's first multiracial elections in 1994).


The Battle of Liberty Place monument in Louisiana was erected in 1891 by the white dominated New Orleans government. An inscription added in 1932 states that the 1876 US Presidential Election "recognized white supremacy in the South and gave us our state". It was removed in 2017 and placed in storage.

Ku Klux Klan parade in Washington, D.C. in 1926
United States Edit
Main category: White supremacy in the United States
See also: Racism in the United States
White supremacy was dominant in the United States both before and after the American Civil War, and it persisted for decades after the Reconstruction Era.[4] In the antebellum South, this included the holding of African Americans in chattel slavery, with four million of them denied freedom.[5] The outbreak of the Civil War saw the desire to uphold white supremacy being cited as a cause for state secession[6] and the formation of the Confederate States of America.[7] In an editorial about Native Americans in 1890, author L. Frank Baum wrote: "The Whites, by law of conquest, by justice of civilization, are masters of the American continent, and the best safety of the frontier settlements will be secured by the total annihilation of the few remaining Indians."[8]

In some parts of the United States, many people who were considered non-white were disenfranchised, barred from government office, and prevented from holding most government jobs well into the second half of the 20th century. Professor Leland T. Saito of the University of Southern California writes: "Throughout the history of the United States, race has been used by whites for legitimizing and creating difference and social, economic and political exclusion."[9] The Naturalization Act of 1790 limited U.S. citizenship to whites only.[10]

The denial of social and political freedom for minorities continued into the mid-20th century, resulting in the civil rights movement.[11] Sociologist Stephen Klineberg has stated that U.S. immigration laws prior to 1965 clearly declared "that Northern Europeans are a superior subspecies of the white race".[12] The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 opened entry to the U.S. to immigrants other than traditional Northern European and Germanic groups, and significantly altered the demographic mix in the U.S as a result.[12] Many U.S. states banned interracial marriage through anti-miscegenation laws until 1967, when these laws were invalidated by the Supreme Court of the United States' decision in Loving v. Virginia. These mid-century gains had a major impact on white Americans' political views; segregation and white racial superiority, which had been publicly endorsed in the 1940s, became minority views within the white community by the mid-1970s, and continued to decline into 1990s polls to a single-digit percentage.[13][14] For sociologist Howard Winant, these shifts marked the end of "monolithic white supremacy" in the United States.[15]

After the mid-1960s, white supremacy remained an important ideology in the American far-right.[16] Howard Winant writes that, "On the far right the cornerstone of white identity is belief in an ineluctable, unalterable racialized difference between whites and nonwhites."[17] According to Kathleen Belew, a historian of race and racism in the United States, white militancy shifted after the Vietnam War from supporting the existing racial order to a more radical position—self-described as "white power" or "white nationalism"—committed to overthrowing the United States government and establishing a white homeland.[18][19] White supremacist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, neo-Nazi organizations, the Christian Identity movement, and racist skinheads make up two of the three major strands of violent right-wing movements in the United States (the third is anti-government militia organizations).[20][21]

Some academics argue that outcomes from the 2016 United States Presidential Election reflect ongoing challenges with white supremacy. Psychologist Janet Helms suggested that the norming behaviors of social institutions of education, government, and healthcare are organized around the "birthright of...the power to control society's resources and determine the rules for [those resources]".[2] Educators, literary theorists, and other political experts have raised similar questions, connecting the scapegoating of disenfranchised populations to white superiority.[22][2

Ndigbo let's join hands and beg the oba or we'll remain cursed.

We all know Peter obi won't win, the curse affect him too

Just look at igbo land

The first African slaves arrived via Santo Domingo to the San Miguel de Gualdape colony (most likely located in the Winyah Bay area of present-day South Carolina), founded by Spanish explorer Lucas Vázquez de Ayllón in 1526.[19]

The marriage between Luisa de Abrego, a free black domestic servant from Seville and Miguel Rodríguez, a white Segovian conquistador in 1565 in St. Augustine (Spanish Florida), is the first known and recorded Christian marriage anywhere in what is now the continental United States.[20]

The ill-fated colony was almost immediately disrupted by a fight over leadership, during which the slaves revolted and fled the colony to seek refuge among local Native Americans. De Ayllón and many of the colonists died shortly afterwards of an epidemic and the colony was abandoned. The settlers and the slaves who had not escaped returned to Haiti, whence they had come.[19]

The first recorded Africans in British North America (including most of the future United States) were "20 and odd negroes" who came to Jamestown, Virginia via Cape Comfort in August 1619 as indentured servants.[21] As English settlers died from harsh conditions, more and more Africans were brought to work as laborers.[22]


Slaves processing tobacco in 17th-century Virginia
An indentured servant (who could be white or black) would work for several years (usually four to seven) without wages. The status of indentured servants in early Virginia and Maryland was similar to slavery. Servants could be bought, sold, or leased and they could be physically beaten for disobedience or running away. Unlike slaves, they were freed after their term of service expired or was bought out, their children did not inherit their status, and on their release from contract they received "a year's provision of corn, double apparel, tools necessary", and a small cash payment called "freedom dues".[23]

Africans could legally raise crops and cattle to purchase their freedom.[24] They raised families, married other Africans and sometimes intermarried with Native Americans or English settlers.[25]


The First Slave Auction at New Amsterdam in 1655, by Howard Pyle
By the 1640s and 1650s, several African families owned farms around Jamestown and some became wealthy by colonial standards and purchased indentured servants of their own. In 1640, the Virginia General Court recorded the earliest documentation of lifetime slavery when they sentenced John Punch, a Negro, to lifetime servitude under his master Hugh Gwyn for running away.[26][27]

In the Spanish Florida some Spanish married or had unions with Pensacola, Creek or African women, both slave and free, and their descendants created a mixed-race population of mestizos and mulattos. The Spanish encouraged slaves from the southern British colonies to come to Florida as a refuge, promising freedom in exchange for conversion to Catholicism. King Charles II of Spain issued a royal proclamation freeing all slaves who fled to Spanish Florida and accepted conversion and baptism. Most went to the area around St. Augustine, but escaped slaves also reached Pensacola. St. Augustine had mustered an all-black militia unit defending Spain as early as 1683.[28]

One of the Dutch African arrivals, Anthony Johnson, would later own one of the first black "slaves", John Casor, resulting from the court ruling of a civil case.[29][30]

The popular conception of a race-based slave system did not fully develop until the 18th century. The Dutch West India Company introduced slavery in 1625 with the importation of eleven black slaves into New Amsterdam (present-day New York City). All the colony's slaves, however, were freed upon its surrender to the British.[31]


Reproduction of a handbill advertising a slave auction in Charleston, South Carolina, in 1769.
Massachusetts was the first British colony to legally recognize slavery in 1641. In 1662, Virginia passed a law that children of enslaved women (who were of African descent and thus foreigners) took the status of the mother, rather than that of the father, as under English common law. This principle was called partus sequitur ventrum.[32][33]

By an act of 1699, the colony ordered all free blacks deported, virtually defining as slaves all people of African descent who remained in the colony.[34] In 1670, the colonial assembly passed a law prohibiting free and baptized negroes (and Indians) from purchasing Christians (in this act meaning English or European whites) but allowing them to buy people "of their owne nation".[35]

In the Spanish Louisiana although there was no movement toward abolition of the African slave trade, Spanish rule introduced a new law called coartación, which allowed slaves to buy their freedom, and that of others.[36] Although some did not have the money to buy their freedom that government measures on slavery allowed a high number of free blacks. That brought problems to the Spaniards with the French Creoles who also populated Spanish Louisiana, French creoles cited that measure as one of the system's worst elements.[37] In spite of that, there was a greater number of slaves as the years passed, as also the entire Spanish Louisiana population increased.

The earliest African-American congregations and churches were organized before 1800 in both northern and southern cities following the Great Awakening. By 1775, Africans made up 20% of the population in the American colonies, which made them the second largest ethnic group after the English.[38]

From the American Revolution to the Civil War
Main article: Slavery in the United States

Crispus Attucks, the first "martyr" of the American Revolution. He was of Native American and African-American descent.
During the 1770s, Africans, both enslaved and free, helped rebellious English colonists secure American independence by defeating the British in the American Revolution.[39] Africans and Englishmen fought side by side and were fully integrated.[40] Blacks played a role in both sides in the American Revolution. Activists in the Patriot cause included James Armistead, Prince Whipple and Oliver Cromwell.[41]

In the Spanish Louisiana, Governor Bernardo de Gálvez organized Spanish free blackmen into two militia companies to defend New Orleans during the American Revolution. They fought in the 1779 battle in which Spain took Baton Rouge from the British. Gálvez also commanded them in campaigns against the British outposts in Mobile, Alabama, and Pensacola, Florida, he recruited slaves for the militia by pledging to free anyone who was seriously wounded and promised to secure a low price for coartación (buy their freedom and that of others) for those who received lesser wounds. During the 1790s, Governor Francisco Luis Héctor, baron of Carondelet reinforced local fortifications and recruit even more free blackmen for the militia. Carondelet doubled the number of free blackmen who served, creating two more militia companies—one made up of black members and the other of pardo (mixed race). Serving in the militia brought free blackmen one step closer to equality with whites, allowing them, for example, the right to carry arms and boosting their earning power. However actually these privileges distanced free blackmen from enslaved blacks and encouraged them to identify with whites.[37]

Slavery had been tacitly enshrined in the U.S. Constitution through provisions such as Article I, Section 2, Clause 3, commonly known as the 3/5 compromise. Slavery, which by then meant almost exclusively African Americans, was the most important political issue in the antebellum United States, leading to one crisis after another. Among these were the Missouri Compromise, the Compromise of 1850, the Fugitive Slave Act, and the Dred Scott decision.


Frederick Douglass
Prior to the Civil War, eight serving presidents owned slaves, a practice protected by the U.S. Constitution.[42] By 1860, there were 3.5 to 4.4 million enslaved blacks in the U.S. due to the Atlantic slave trade, and another 488,000–500,000 African Americans lived free (with legislated limits)[43] across the country.[44][45] With legislated limits imposed upon them in addition to "unconquerable prejudice" from whites according to Henry Clay,[46] some blacks who weren't enslaved left the U.S. for Liberia in Africa.[43] Liberia began as a settlement of the American Colonization Society (ACS) in 1821, with the abolitionist members of the ACS believing blacks would face better chances for freedom and equality in Africa.[43]

The slaves not only constituted a large investment, they produced America's most valuable product and export: cotton. They not only helped build the U.S. Capitol, they built the White House and other District of Columbia buildings. (Washington was a slave trading center.[47]) Similar building projects existed in slaveholding states.

In 1863, during the American Civil War, President Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation. The proclamation declared that all slaves in Confederate-held territory were free.[48] Advancing Union troops enforced the proclamation with Texas being the last state to be emancipated, in 1865.[49]


Harriet Tubman
Slavery in Union-held Confederate territory continued, at least on paper, until the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment in 1865.[50] Prior to the Civil War, only white men of property could vote, and the Naturalization Act of 1790 limited U.S. citizenship to whites only.[16][17] The 14th Amendment (1868) gave African-Americans citizenship, and the 15th Amendment (1870) gave African-American males the right to vote (only males could vote in the U.S. at the time).

Reconstruction Era and Jim Crow
Main articles: Reconstruction Era and Jim Crow laws
African Americans quickly set up congregations for themselves, as well as schools and community/civic associations, to have space away from white control or oversight. While the post-war Reconstruction era was initially a time of progress for African Americans, that period ended in 1876. By the late 1890s, Southern states enacted Jim Crow laws to enforce racial segregation and disenfranchisement.[51] Segregation, which began with slavery, continued with Jim Crow laws, with signs used to show blacks where they could legally walk, talk, drink, rest, or eat.[52] For those places that were racially mixed, non whites had to wait until all white customers were dealt with.[52] Most African Americans obeyed the Jim Crow laws, in order to avoid racially motivated violence. To maintain self-esteem and dignity, African Americans such as Anthony Overton and Mary McLeod Bethune continued to build their own schools, churches, banks, social clubs, and other businesses.[53]

In the last decade of the 19th century, racially discriminatory laws and racial violence aimed at African Americans began to mushroom in the United States, a period often referred to as the "nadir of American race relations". These discriminatory acts included racial segregation—upheld by the United States Supreme Court decision in Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896—which was legally mandated by southern states and nationwide at the local level of government, voter suppression or disenfranchisement in the southern states, denial of economic opportunity or resources nationwide, and private acts of violence and mass racial violence aimed at Afric

Even popular igbo man here know igbo land is cursed

. NwaAmaikpe:
shocked


Without Nnamdi Kanu, IPOB is technically defeated.
They are powerless.

Besides igboland state is God's cursed state.
Even if they frustrate Ikpeazu, who will then be the governor?

Udensi?
Otti?
Or Ogah?

Abeg Ikpeazu should continue but all hell will be let loose in the state if he tries to hand over to Mao Ohuabunwa in 2023.

frankdoz21:
The first African slaves arrived via Santo Domingo to the San Miguel de Gualdape colony (most likely located in the Winyah Bay area of present-day South Carolina), founded by Spanish explorer Lucas Vázquez de Ayllón in 1526.[19]

The marriage between Luisa de Abrego, a free black domestic servant from Seville and Miguel Rodríguez, a white Segovian conquistador in 1565 in St. Augustine (Spanish Florida), is the first known and recorded Christian marriage anywhere in what is now the continental United States.[20]

The ill-fated colony was almost immediately disrupted by a fight over leadership, during which the slaves revolted and fled the colony to seek refuge among local Native Americans. De Ayllón and many of the colonists died shortly afterwards of an epidemic and the colony was abandoned. The settlers and the slaves who had not escaped returned to Haiti, whence they had come.[19]

The first recorded Africans in British North America (including most of the future United States) were "20 and odd negroes" who came to Jamestown, Virginia via Cape Comfort in August 1619 as indentured servants.[21] As English settlers died from harsh conditions, more and more Africans were brought to work as laborers.[22]


Slaves processing tobacco in 17th-century Virginia
An indentured servant (who could be white or black) would work for several years (usually four to seven) without wages. The status of indentured servants in early Virginia and Maryland was similar to slavery. Servants could be bought, sold, or leased and they could be physically beaten for disobedience or running away. Unlike slaves, they were freed after their term of service expired or was bought out, their children did not inherit their status, and on their release from contract they received "a year's provision of corn, double apparel, tools necessary", and a small cash payment called "freedom dues".[23]

Africans could legally raise crops and cattle to purchase their freedom.[24] They raised families, married other Africans and sometimes intermarried with Native Americans or English settlers.[25]


The First Slave Auction at New Amsterdam in 1655, by Howard Pyle
By the 1640s and 1650s, several African families owned farms around Jamestown and some became wealthy by colonial standards and purchased indentured servants of their own. In 1640, the Virginia General Court recorded the earliest documentation of lifetime slavery when they sentenced John Punch, a Negro, to lifetime servitude under his master Hugh Gwyn for running away.[26][27]

In the Spanish Florida some Spanish married or had unions with Pensacola, Creek or African women, both slave and free, and their descendants created a mixed-race population of mestizos and mulattos. The Spanish encouraged slaves from the southern British colonies to come to Florida as a refuge, promising freedom in exchange for conversion to Catholicism. King Charles II of Spain issued a royal proclamation freeing all slaves who fled to Spanish Florida and accepted conversion and baptism. Most went to the area around St. Augustine, but escaped slaves also reached Pensacola. St. Augustine had mustered an all-black militia unit defending Spain as early as 1683.[28]

One of the Dutch African arrivals, Anthony Johnson, would later own one of the first black "slaves", John Casor, resulting from the court ruling of a civil case.[29][30]

The popular conception of a race-based slave system did not fully develop until the 18th century. The Dutch West India Company introduced slavery in 1625 with the importation of eleven black slaves into New Amsterdam (present-day New York City). All the colony's slaves, however, were freed upon its surrender to the British.[31]


Reproduction of a handbill advertising a slave auction in Charleston, South Carolina, in 1769.
Massachusetts was the first British colony to legally recognize slavery in 1641. In 1662, Virginia passed a law that children of enslaved women (who were of African descent and thus foreigners) took the status of the mother, rather than that of the father, as under English common law. This principle was called partus sequitur ventrum.[32][33]

By an act of 1699, the colony ordered all free blacks deported, virtually defining as slaves all people of African descent who remained in the colony.[34] In 1670, the colonial assembly passed a law prohibiting free and baptized negroes (and Indians) from purchasing Christians (in this act meaning English or European whites) but allowing them to buy people "of their owne nation".[35]

In the Spanish Louisiana although there was no movement toward abolition of the African slave trade, Spanish rule introduced a new law called coartación, which allowed slaves to buy their freedom, and that of others.[36] Although some did not have the money to buy their freedom that government measures on slavery allowed a high number of free blacks. That brought problems to the Spaniards with the French Creoles who also populated Spanish Louisiana, French creoles cited that measure as one of the system's worst elements.[37] In spite of that, there was a greater number of slaves as the years passed, as also the entire Spanish Louisiana population increased.

The earliest African-American congregations and churches were organized before 1800 in both northern and southern cities following the Great Awakening. By 1775, Africans made up 20% of the population in the American colonies, which made them the second largest ethnic group after the English.[38]

From the American Revolution to the Civil War
Main article: Slavery in the United States

Crispus Attucks, the first "martyr" of the American Revolution. He was of Native American and African-American descent.
During the 1770s, Africans, both enslaved and free, helped rebellious English colonists secure American independence by defeating the British in the American Revolution.[39] Africans and Englishmen fought side by side and were fully integrated.[40] Blacks played a role in both sides in the American Revolution. Activists in the Patriot cause included James Armistead, Prince Whipple and Oliver Cromwell.[41]

In the Spanish Louisiana, Governor Bernardo de Gálvez organized Spanish free blackmen into two militia companies to defend New Orleans during the American Revolution. They fought in the 1779 battle in which Spain took Baton Rouge from the British. Gálvez also commanded them in campaigns against the British outposts in Mobile, Alabama, and Pensacola, Florida, he recruited slaves for the militia by pledging to free anyone who was seriously wounded and promised to secure a low price for coartación (buy their freedom and that of others) for those who received lesser wounds. During the 1790s, Governor Francisco Luis Héctor, baron of Carondelet reinforced local fortifications and recruit even more free blackmen for the militia. Carondelet doubled the number of free blackmen who served, creating two more militia companies—one made up of black members and the other of pardo (mixed race). Serving in the militia brought free blackmen one step closer to equality with whites, allowing them, for example, the right to carry arms and boosting their earning power. However actually these privileges distanced free blackmen from enslaved blacks and encouraged them to identify with whites.[37]

Slavery had been tacitly enshrined in the U.S. Constitution through provisions such as Article I, Section 2, Clause 3, commonly known as the 3/5 compromise. Slavery, which by then meant almost exclusively African Americans, was the most important political issue in the antebellum United States, leading to one crisis after another. Among these were the Missouri Compromise, the Compromise of 1850, the Fugitive Slave Act, and the Dred Scott decision.


Frederick Douglass
Prior to the Civil War, eight serving presidents owned slaves, a practice protected by the U.S. Constitution.[42] By 1860, there were 3.5 to 4.4 million enslaved blacks in the U.S. due to the Atlantic slave trade, and another 488,000–500,000 African Americans lived free (with legislated limits)[43] across the country.[44][45] With legislated limits imposed upon them in addition to "unconquerable prejudice" from whites according to Henry Clay,[46] some blacks who weren't enslaved left the U.S. for Liberia in Africa.[43] Liberia began as a settlement of the American Colonization Society (ACS) in 1821, with the abolitionist members of the ACS believing blacks would face better chances for freedom and equality in Africa.[43]

The slaves not only constituted a large investment, they produced America's most valuable product and export: cotton. They not only helped build the U.S. Capitol, they built the White House and other District of Columbia buildings. (Washington was a slave trading center.[47]) Similar building projects existed in slaveholding states.

In 1863, during the American Civil War, President Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation. The proclamation declared that all slaves in Confederate-held territory were free.[48] Advancing Union troops enforced the proclamation with Texas being the last state to be emancipated, in 1865.[49]


Harriet Tubman
Slavery in Union-held Confederate territory continued, at least on paper, until the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment in 1865.[50] Prior to the Civil War, only white men of property could vote, and the Naturalization Act of 1790 limited U.S. citizenship to whites only.[16][17] The 14th Amendment (1868) gave African-Americans citizenship, and the 15th Amendment (1870) gave African-American males the right to vote (only males could vote in the U.S. at the time).

Reconstruction Era and Jim Crow
Main articles: Reconstruction Era and Jim Crow laws
African Americans quickly set up congregations for themselves, as well as schools and community/civic associations, to have space away from white control or oversight. While the post-war Reconstruction era was initially a time of progress for African Americans, that period ended in 1876. By the late 1890s, Southern states enacted Jim Crow laws to enforce racial segregation and disenfranchisement.[51] Segregation, which began with slavery, continued with Jim Crow laws, with signs used to show blacks where they could legally walk, talk, drink, rest, or eat.[52] For those places that were racially mixed, non whites had to wait until all white customers were dealt with.[52] Most African Americans obeyed the Jim Crow laws, in order to avoid racially motivated violence. To maintain self-esteem and dignity, African Americans such as Anthony Overton and Mary McLeod Bethune continued to build their own schools, churches, banks, social clubs, and other businesses.[53]

In the last decade of the 19th century, racially discriminatory laws and racial violence aimed at African Americans began to mushroom in the United States, a period often referred to as the "nadir of American race relations". These discriminatory acts included racial segregation—upheld by the United States Supreme Court decision in Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896—which was legally mandated by southern states and nationwide at the local level of government, voter suppression or disenfranchisement in the southern states, denial of economic opportunity or resources nationwide, and private acts of violence and mass racial violence aimed at Afric

stop spamming mynd44