If ASUU is fighting against IPPIS, what are the Polytechnic Lectures and Non-academics doing to assist ? Are they under the ASUU?

People are usually not ready to admit to themselves that they are the victim of manipulation, especially if the person in question is someone close to their heart.
But the unfortunate reality is, the ones dearest to us are those who hold the most power over us. It is because we allow them so close that we open ourselves up to being taken advantage of.



However, this isn’t always a bad thing. In order to develop a close relationship, it’s important for us to test and understand who deserves to be let in.

And if you feel like you are the victim of emotional manipulation, here are 7 red flags to help you recognize it.
1. Manipulation of the facts
Psychological manipulators are great at twisting the truth for their own gains. They will always try to get something out of it, avoid taking responsibility, and hand down all the blame on us. Furthermore, they will exaggerate and keep key information to themselves, making sure that the balance always tilts towards what they want you to see as the “truth.”

2. They make you feel insecure
An insecure person is often the target of manipulators, as insecurity is seen as an easily-exploitable weakness by these deceivers. They will try all kinds of things to try to make you feel inferior to them, such as hurtful jokes and sarcasm. They’ll make fun of the way you look, dress, your habits, and every little misstep.

3. They will drain your energy
Manipulators require attention and energy to be fully functional, and you are their source. They will make sure you know how crushed and upset they feel due to the things currently going on in their life.

They will constantly bring up their troubles and ill-fated stories until you start feeling as if you have a personal responsibility to help them out of their mess. They get their energy by feeding off of yours.



4. They are professionals at making others feel guilty
Manipulators are experts at the blame game. If you start talking about something that is troubling you, they will make you feel guilty for mentioning it. And if you don’t, they will guilt you for keeping it inside and thus making it worse. When you’re dealing with such a person, anything you do is wrong, and, regardless of the problems you two might be having, you are always the one to blame.

5. They often play dumb
Playing the ignorance card is one of the favorite weapons of the manipulator. It is a tactic often used among colleagues, where the manipulator will try to play dumb in order to avoid a task or hide something. This is almost like the way children try to make adults think they’re too stupid or simply too little to understand how to do something they’ve been asked to do.

6. Intellectual harrasment
Emotional manipulators often employ intellectual harassment to get what they want. They bombard you with arguments, different information, “facts” and twisted reasoning in order to tire you out and convince you of your wrongness.

7. Extreme pressure
The psychological manipulator will pressure you in any way they can in order to force you to make a quick and unprepared decision. They will come up with a false reason for urgency in order to increase the level of tension. This is all a theatrical display in order to suppress your decision-making ability so they can gain the upper hand and get what they want.

Here are the facts, I hope you will enjoy.

1. People with high levels of testosterone get pleasure from the anger of others.

2. People with low self-esteem tend to humiliate others.Subjects who were told that the results of their IQ test were poor expressed more national and religious prejudices, than those who reported higher results.

3. People sincerely believe that their negative opinions about others are truthful and have no connection with them and their self-confidence. In fact, the humiliation of others helps them restore their own self-esteem.

4. The behavior of people is affected by bodily sensations.For example, there is a strong association between heaviness and

such features as “importance” and “seriousness”. A person is assessed as more serious and sustained, if his CV was applied in a heavy folder, and vice versa.

5. Similarly, the feeling of rigidity and hardness makes people inflexible. People sitting on hard chairs were more uncompromising in the negotiations. Feeling a rough surface causes in people a sense of the complexity of human relations, and cold is tightly connected with the feeling of loneliness.

6. People tend to commit immoral actsor do not fulfill someone’s request for help, if no effort is needed and they do not have to refuse a person directly.

7. However, more people behave “as expected” if they have to take a moral decision in front of someone.

8. Lying requires a lot of mental effort. A person who is lying has to keep in mind at the same time the lie – that it to say, and the truth – in order to hide it. As a result, he uses simple sentences and finds it more difficult to cope with mental tasks.

9. When people are being watched, they behave better.And the illusion of being watched works, too. It was enough to hang a picture of human eyes in a self-service cafeteria, so that more people began to collect their dishes.

10. Behavior affects morality. People who lied, betrayed someone or committed other immoral act begin to perceive what is good or bad in another way.

11. Attractive and honest appearance can easily be misleading. People tend to trust appearance more than sincerity.

12. Appearance plays an important role even when voting during elections. Maturity and physical attractiveness of politicians were mostly important for voters’ choice (unconsciously, of course).

13. More successful and rich people are considered to be more intelligent and wise, and vice versa. Often, people tend to think that those who are successful or those who suffer deserve it.

14. Happier is not the one who has a lot of money, but the one who has more than his neighbor does. People constantly compare themselves with others and feel satisfied if they are superior in some respect.

15. Anger increases the desire of possession in people. People make more efforts to obtain the object that is associated with angry faces.

16. The more complex the decision to be taken is, the more people tend to leave things as they are. If the store has too much choice and people cannot immediately find out which of the products is better, most probably they will leave without buying.

17. When people feel they have no control over what is happening, they tend to see non-existent patterns in unrelated pictures and believe in conspiracy theories.

18. People regret quick decisions, even if the results are satisfying. Not the actual time allotted for the decision matters, but the feeling that the time was enough.

I'd prefare their pictures and names be placed on a big overhead advert bill board at Douglas and Wethdral Roads, to shame their Generations.

The year was 1966 and he, a bright and ambitious boy of 13 or 14 (no one could be sure because the European missionaries did not issue birth certificates to children like him whose parents refused to convert to Christianity), lived in Akpugoeze, in Nigeria's southeastern Enugu state.

It was a town of sprawling cassava farms and towering palm trees - not a wealthy place, but one where the townsfolk worked together to build new roads and widen existing ones, to construct schools, churches, and a primary healthcare centre.

My father had just won a scholarship to study at one of the country's finest secondary schools in Port Harcourt, 200km south. But my grandfather was sceptical. He was scared that the city that opened its mouth to the sea, would swallow his first-born son.

Soon, school would be the last thing on either of their minds.

Remembering my father's Biafra: The politics of erasing history
The writer's father with his teacher, before the start of the war [Photo courtesy of Innocent Chizaram Ilo]
In the markets and on the way to the stream, people had started to whisper tales about pogroms in the north. They said Igbo people - the ethnic group to which my father belonged - were being rounded up and killed in Kano, Kaduna and Sokoto, some 600-1,000km away.

When Nigeria had gained its independence from the United Kingdom on October 1, 1960, a federal constitution had divided the country into three regions, each run by one of the main ethnic groups: The Hausa-Fulani in the north, the Yoruba in the southwest and the Igbo in the southeast.

Less than six years later, there was widespread disillusionment with the government, which was perceived as corrupt and incapable of maintaining law and order.

Then on January 15, 1966, a military coup overthrew and killed Nigeria's first prime minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, a northerner. As several of those involved were Igbo, and many of those killed were politicians from the north, it was erroneously labelled an Igbo coup. Many northerners interpreted it as an attempt to subjugate the north, which was less developed than the south.

Army commander Major General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, an Igbo, suppressed the coup but took power himself. His plan to abolish the regions and establish a unitary government further compounded northern fears that southerners would take over. A counter-coup in July saw soldiers from the north seize power as Aguiyi-Ironsi was overthrown and killed.

When news of the pogroms first began circulating in the southeast, people from the towns and villages started to trek to cities like Enugu and Onitsha, some 70km away, in search of telephones. They carried with them pieces of crisp brown paper on which their relatives who moved to the north had scribbled their numbers. They travelled in groups. Those who could not make it begged others to call the numbers for them.

They returned to their homes distraught, having learned that the telephone lines in the north were down.

Weeks later, mammy wagons began dropping people off at my father's town - people with sunken eyes and blistered skin, some of them with missing limbs.

The homes to which these people returned erupted into squeals of delight - the relatives they had feared dead were alive. Most had nothing but near-empty bags with them. A few carried something else - the remains of relatives who had not survived the pogroms.

About 30,000 Igbo were killed in the pogroms and about one million internally displaced. Some northerners living in Igbo areas were also killed in revenge attacks.

Remembering my father's Biafra: The politics of erasing history [Photo courtesy of Innocent Chizaram Ilo]
A popular promotional snapshot of Odumegwu Ojukwu before the war [Photo courtesy of Innocent Chizaram Ilo]
In response to the pogroms, on May 30, 1967, Colonel Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu unilaterally declared the independent Republic of Biafra in the southeast of the country.

Then the war began.

My father and his family learned to take cover as the air rumbled with bombs, shelling, bazookas and, much later on, ogbunigwe, weapons systems mass-produced by the Republic of Biafra.

Like most boys his age, he volunteered to join the Biafran Boys - a group of child soldiers trained by the Biafran army. Few of them ever saw combat, but he never tired of telling me and my siblings about his mock wooden gun, morning drills and uniform of khaki shorts and shirt.

Decades later he would recall how he and the other boys would go to the market to bully traders into parting with their chickens and goats, groundnut and palm oil, with the same boyish excitement with which he had experienced it. He also remembered the jubilation with which they received the news that other countries - Gabon, Haiti, Ivory Coast, Tanzania and Zambia - had recognised Biafra.

Occasionally, he would wonder what his life would have been like had the war never arrived and he had made it to that school in Port Harcourt.

By another name
In Nigerian history books, that period between 1966 and 1970 is called The Nigerian Civil War or The Nigerian-Biafran war. But for those of us whose families lived through it, it is an erasure of truth not to name it The Biafran Genocide.

Estimates of the death toll vary - with some putting it at more than one million and others at more than two million. Some died as a result of the fighting but most from hunger and disease after the Nigerian government imposed a land and sea blockade that resulted in famine.

In The Republic, Amarachi Iheke gives a detailed analysis of the case for and against classifying it as a genocide, arguing that whether or not you believe it to have been a genocide, the conflict exposes "blind spots in our application of international human rights norms" and that "moving forward, as part of a national reconciliation project, it is necessary we embark on critical truth-seeking around Biafra's genocide claim".

But the foundations of the Nigerian government's denial were planted on January 15, 1970, when Biafra agreed to a ceasefire and the war ended. Nigeria's Military Head of State General Yakubi Gowon declared the conflict had "no victor, no vanquished".

But there was clearly a victor - the Nigerian government, which had regained control of the oil-rich region - and a vanquished - the people of the now-defunct Republic of Biafra, on whose land the war had been fought, whose homes had been destroyed, whose relatives had died of starvation and disease, and their descendants who would have to navigate the world with the weight of their trans-generational trauma.

Biafra opinion piece
A Biafran child sits by a pile of yams, 1968 [File: Getty Images]
Erasing history
Still, in keeping with Gowon's mantra, the government began to craft its own story; one echoed in school textbooks.

In school, I learned no details of what happened in Biafra. The reality was tactfully erased from the curriculum, while those responsible were depicted as national heroes who had fought to preserve Nigeria's unity. I tried to reconcile the colourful pictures of these "national heroes" in my Social Studies books (history was removed from the basic curriculum in 2007) with my father's experience of the war.

When I told my classmates my father's stories, they would look at me, their mouths open in disbelief, as though they were hearing these things for the first time. When the topic came up in class, the teacher would gloss over it as though it was something from the distant past, then conclude with a tone of "happily ever after".

The result is a new generation of Nigerians who are either unaware of the country's true past or have normalised it as a small price to pay to maintain the nation's unity.

This ahistoricism follows us around in the physical and virtual worlds. Recently, during a Twitter brawl, Bello el-Rufai, the son of Kaduna State governor Nasir Ahmed el-Rufai, threatened a user he perceived to be Igbo, saying he would pass the Twitter user's mother around to his friends, while Bello's own mother appeared to defend her son, declaring that all was "fair in love and war".

But for Biafrans, it is not so easy to delink his words from history. After all, 50 years ago, Igbo women were being passed around in the military camps set up in captured Biafran towns, in open-air markets, on the street or in their own homes, as their children and husbands were made to watch.

Remembering my father's Biafra: The politics of erasing history [Photo courtesy of Innocent Chizaram Ilo]
The writer's father sits with his mother and siblings after the war [Photo courtesy of Innocent Chizaram Ilo]
I often think of Mourid Barghouti, who in his autobiography I Saw Ramallah writes, "It is easy to blur the truth with a simple linguistic trick: start your story from 'Secondly'." By carefully omitting the real spark of the conflict in 1966 - the pogroms - we change the whole truth of it.

Yet sadly, this is how most Nigerians tell the story of the Biafran Genocide; disregarding its cause and pretending that it was a war to protect Nigeria's territorial integrity instead of one fuelled by years of ethnic tensions and concerns over resource control.

But in Nigeria's quest to erase and amend its history, it has forfeited the opportunity to learn from it - and this is something that continues to haunt us. Decades after Biafra, we have witnessed this past replicate itself in mini-episodes such as the Odi Massacre in 1991 and Zaria Massacre in 2015. And just like the Biafran Genocide, the memories of these gruesome incidents are forgotten quickly, erased and distorted, downplayed by the media, and the perpetrators are never held accountable.

But the truth is, it is impossible to erase the past, at least not completely. We may try to distort it, pretend that it never happened, but it will always be there. And for people like my father, the war will forever give shape to their lives - splitting it into a before and an after.

Immediately after the war, the Nigerian government made it a point of duty to instil a spirit of nationalism in the hearts of schoolchildren like my father. But these children had already seen first-hand what comes with challenging the notion of one Nigeria. So it was not a patriotism borne of love for one's country but of fear. Unconsciously, my father passed this fear on to his children.

We have learned to perform our nationalism in public, to avoid speaking our languages, to show our most Nigerian selves.

My father died last year, after years spent battling health problems in a country where he could not access quality healthcare. But his life, and the memories he shared with me during years of conversations in our parlour, has left behind glimpses of a history we must never forget.

What he gave me with his stories is the knowledge that it is imperative to talk about the past, to teach it, to confront it. In that way, we learn from it, and can tell when it is being erased and distorted, or about to be recreated.

Buhari wanted power so badly, yet has done so little with it.

Nigeria has had two types of leader. One is the accidental type; the other the intentional. The accidental leaders never sought to be president but had it thrust on them. But the intentional leaders desperately wanted the office, pursued it tenaciously, and finally secured it. President Muhammadu Buhari is the only one among Nigeria’scivilian leaders who doggedly sought the office of president; others were accidental leaders who attained the highest office serendipitously.


Tafawa Balewa, Nigeria’s first Prime Minister, secured the position at the behest of his leader, Ahmadu Bello, the power behind the throne. Shehu Shagari’s highest ambition, by his own admission, was to be a senator before he was drafted to run for president. Olusegun Obasanjo was in jail from June 1995 until General Abdulsalami Abubakar released him in June 1998. He never dreamt of becoming president. But, as General Ishaya Bamaiyi, the then chief of army staff, wrote in his book, Vindication of a General, the military establishment decided to make Obasanjo president in 1999. And what about Presidents Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan? Well, everyone knows they were handpicked by Obasanjo. They never, in their wildest dreams, sought to be president!

But not Buhari. He ran for president three times before eventually winning on the fourth. From 2003 when he first vied for the presidency to 2015 when he finally won, Buhari had actively sought the office for 12 years. Each time he lost, he went all the way to the Supreme Court to try and overturn the result. So determined was he to become president that, in 2015, he opportunistically formed an alliance with the politicians that, as a military dictator, he would have sent to jail for corruption!

Now, I have a theory. If someone has been trying actively for 12 years to govern his country, it must be that he has clear ideas what he would do to move the country forward, if elected. A dogged seeker of the office of president should be more prepared than an accidental occupier of the office.

Take Chief Obafemi Awolowo. He was also tenacious in seeking to be president, although he only ran twice – in 1979 and 1983. But those who knew Awolowo would confirm that he spent night and day planning to the minutest detail what he would do if elected. Of course, Awolowo never became president; so we will never know what kind of president he would have turned out to be. But judging by his superlative performance as Premier of Western Nigeria, we could say that, as a visionary and competent leader of monumental proportions, he would have assembled the best brains from across Nigeria, and provided outstanding leadership, to transform this'll country.

ButBuhari is not Awolowo. For a start, Awolowo was an intellectual giant–a voracious reader and prolific writer. His intellectual contributions to the development of Nigeria, captured in several outstanding books, are unparalleled. His book, Path to Nigerian Freedom, was almost as seminal in shaping the debate about Nigeria’s federalism as Alexander Hamilton and James Madison’s The Federalist Papers were in influencing the American Constitution.

The English philosopher Francis Bacon famously said: “Reading maketh a full man; conference a ready man; writing an exact man”.Leaders are indeed readers. But as Junaid Mohammed, a former federal legislator, said in an interview: “Buhari doesn’t read.” So, then, it’s not surprising that, despite seeking power for 12 years, Buhari committed no serious intellectual effort to put together a coherent vision and a credible programme of actions for transforming this country. Yet, Nigeria is too complex to be run by intellectual vacuity. No one should seek to lead this country, let alone pursue that ambition doggedly, without knowing what he would do with the power. Buhari, apparently, didn’t!

I mean, President Buhari is now five years in power, and has only three more before leaving office in 2023. So, what has he achieved to date? Recently, there were calls for his resignation due to his utter inability to tackle the debilitating insecurity in the country. His government is completely dysfunctional: the cabals are fighting each other openly, and the service chiefs, despite their ineptitude, are too powerful to be sacked, even though their tenures have expired. Notwithstanding the recent miniscule GDP growth, the economy remains moribund and poverty is deepening. Even corruption, despite the anti-graft hype, has not gone away, what with the questionable handling of the Abacha loot!

So, back to the question: Why did Buhari doggedly chase the presidency for 12 years? I have another theory. Remember Buhari was overthrown by his military colleagues in 1985. Well, he did not forget or forgive the “betrayal” and saw becoming president as a sweet revenge, the only way to redeem his honour and continue what he saw as his unfinished business. Indeed, in 2016, Buhari gloated about his victory. “I can claim superior knowledge over the opposition because, in the end, I have succeeded”. But where exactly is the “superior knowledge”? Well, it’s in the fact that he “succeeded”in becoming president, a vindication, as he saw it, of his “achievements” as a military head of state.

Truth is, Buhari came to power in 2015, after 12 years of relentlessly trying to be president, with no fresh ideas. As a result, he has been running Nigeria almost exactly as he ran it from 1983 to 1985. His economic dirigisme, antipathy to political reforms and passé approaches to tackling corruption and insecurity have left Nigeria adrift and chaotic.

A word of advice. President Buhari should leave the economy to his vice president, in a de facto prime-ministerial capacity, and focus on restructuring Nigeria. Time is short. Helping Nigeria to create an enduring political and constitutional settlement is a legacy Buhari must seek to leave behind; otherwise, he would be remembered as someone who wanted power so badly but did nothing with it. A bad legacy indeed.

It depends on the type of withdrawal ur dad makes. U need to meet the office head of the Pension Manager, firstly with your dad's PENCOM no. They will check how much is remaining in the account it will also show them ur dad NOK. Then you go for letter of administration at the state court complex armed with the print out of your dad's balance. Note the court will take 10-15%of the total amount must times it's pay before service. Then all your siblings will write letters saying they are aware of u being the NOK. Then the process begins.. it's quit alot to write now. I just finished one fir on my late Mum last June, took me 3weeks just becyi didn't have the 15% to give Govt, but jst go to the head of the Water and leave that Man talking trash. Good luck.

Ok. Which village. ? Contact me by text on 08183857002. Or leave a message here. Please.

Dear all I am interested in buying a bet9ja shop in Owerri or towns around the State Capital. I'm more specific on bet9ja 'cos it seems more marketable. They say they no longer give out fresh liscence any More.
Please kindly leave me a message here with a contact I get back to. Thanks.

NB. Anyone with one In South-South and Other South-Eastern States are free to inform me please.

An elite crime-busting police squad has come under fire from human rights organisations for its treatment of the family, and takeover of multi-billion naira properties of a suspected kidnapper who was killed by the police a year ago.

The Intelligence Response Team is now scrambling to extricate itself after being accused in separate petitions by the Nigeria Human Rights Commission and Amnesty International of gross human rights abuses and illegal expropriation of suspected proceeds of crime.

The NHRC said in an October 2018 petition to then-Inspector-General Ibrahim Idris that the the IRT, led by Abba Kyari, a deputy police commissioner, had been illegally depleting the asset of Collins Ezenwa, a suspected kidnapper who was gunned down in January 2018.

Mr Kyari denied the allegations, warning PREMIUM TIMES not to publish the complaints because Mr Ezenwa was a notorious kidnapper who had committed untold atrocities before he was killed.

The police in Imo State accused Mr Ezenwa, a former police corporal, of leading a syndicate of deadly abductors. He was killed during an exchange of gunfire along Enugu-Owerri Expressway.

Mr Ezenwa was riding in a vehicle with two of his cousins when he was killed, and the police accused the trio of being kidnappers and circulated gory images of their brutal killings on the Internet.

The NHRC disputed the account of the police on how Mr Ezenwa was killed in its petition to Mr Idris, who left office last week, but the country’s rights institution acknowledged Mr Ezenwa’s wealth was inexplicable and mind-boggling.

It was unclear how Mr Ezenwa hit his fortune. He resigned from the police as a corporal on N47,000 a month salary in November 2017, and travelled to Malaysia for only a month. But soon as he returned from Malaysia, he embarked on a spending spree, purchasing houses and businesses in nine figures.

There are other accounts that said Mr Ezenwa had been travelling to Malaysia since at least 2014, but kept the trips away from his wife and family members, and continued to work as a police corporal. He joined the police in 2009, and was 31 at the time he was killed on January 27, 2018.

The suggestion that Mr Ezenwa had been travelling to Malaysia since 2014 could mean that he had been doing suspicious businesses even while in the police. He resigned from the force on November 17, 2017, long after he had become popular across the Southeast as a stupendously wealthy young man nicknamed ‘E-Money!’



One NHRC official told PREMIUM TIMES that due to his “obscene” lavishness, Mr Ezenwa was advised by senior police officers, many of whom he had been allegedly generous to, to formally resign from the police rather than being declared absent-without-leave.

In 2017, the police detailed two officers to provide security for Mr Ezenwa on expensive subscription basis, according to his family and rights experts investigating the circumstances preceding his death.

A hotel linked to Mr Ezenwa in Enugu was estimated at N220,000,000. He also had two duplexes and eight blocks of flats worth a combined N180 million, according to the NHRC petition. These were the properties that were identified as of the time the petition was sent to Mr Idris on October 23, 2018, and they did not include a fleet of exotic vehicles that Mr Ezenwa owned.

Nosa Uhumwangho, a police prosecutor working on the matter, told PREMIUM TIMES Sunday night other properties linked to Mr Ezenwa have also been identified in Imo and Abia States, estimating his worth in billions.

In a follow-on petition which Amnesty International separately sent to Mr Idris days before his retirement on January 15, the rights group accused Mr Kyari and his team of victimising Gift Ezenwa, the deceased’s widow, and other members of the family, while also depleting the properties he left behind without any court order whatsoever.

Mr Idris did not act on the petition before his retirement.

Sharing the spoils
Both NHRC and Amnesty International told PREMIUM TIMES Mr Ezenwa was killed by the police special anti-robbery squad in Imo State, and Mr Kyari’s IRT only took over the matter in a desperate plot to take over his properties.

The IRT has earned special recognition for its ability to track and apprehend high-profile crime suspects. The June 2017 arrest of Chukwudimeme ‘Evans’ Onwuamadike marked perhaps the highest point for Mr Kyari and his team. In April 2018, he was promoted as a deputy police commissioner from an assistant police commissioner only a few months before.

But Mr Kyari’s interest in Mr Ezenwa’s matter after he had already been killed has “greatly unsettled” the two rights groups working to curtail the “excesses” of the police in the matter, one activist said.

Damian Ugwu, a researcher with Amnesty International who worked on the case, told PREMIUM TIMES IRT personnel started aiming for Mr Ezenwa’s properties immediately after they took over the case from the Imo State police command.



The IRT was set up by the inspector-general, and it has a vast jurisdiction on police activities across the country. Personnel attached to the squad are allowed to make arrests in any state in the country without recourse to the sitting state police commissioner.

“Because of their unlimited powers in the police, they dubiously took over the case from Imo State command and started identifying possible assets of Mr Ezenwa shortly after he was killed,” Mr Ugwu said. “They threw his wife and infant son out of some of his properties, including his hotel, and started collecting rents from them.”

“More than a year later, they have not approached any court for an order to confiscate the properties,” Mr Ugwu said. “Our findings showed that they were just collecting rents and putting the money in private accounts for their own use.”

Mrs Ezenwa was four months pregnant when her husband was killed. She gave birth on June 17 to a male child. She was arrested less than two months later on August 11 and taken to Lagos by Mr Kyari’s team, where she was detained for two weeks, she told PREMIUM TIMES. She spent two nights in a police custody in Enugu before being moved to Lagos, she said.

Ms Ezenwa said Mr Kyari ordered her release without charges on the grounds that she would bring all the original titles of the properties to them, a demand she found suspicious.

But even without giving the documents to Mr Kyari, the police chief ordered all identified properties confiscated.

De-Inglish Hotels and Resort in Enugu, estimated at N220 million, was taken over by the IRT, which had been receiving proceeds of lodging and other services to private bank accounts. Eight blocks of flats on 21, Edinburgh Road, New Layout, Enugu, which was also linked to Mr Ezenwa, is now being managed by the police squad.

PREMIUM TIMES obtained two bank accounts which the NHRC said earnings from the hotel and flats are being paid into. Tochukwu Okeke and Ozougwu Stanislaus were the names on two Zenith Bank accounts.

Both NHRC and Amnesty International have warned the police to cease further victimisation of Ms Ezenwa and demanded immediate return of her late husband’s properties to her until there is a court pronouncement on the matter.

“No one really knows how Mr Ezenwa made his money,” Mr Ugwu said. “But for a police team that has long portrayed itself being devoid of criminality to expropriate the properties he left behind without any court order is unfortunate.”

Mr Ugwu said several family members and associates of Mr Ezenwa were also arrested and victimised, triggering a slew of fundamental rights suit at various jurisdictions in the Southeast.

“All the cases about the matter in different courts have to do with police abuses and people begging the courts to save them from police harassment and confiscation of their properties without any evidence they were fully or partially-owned by Mr Ezenwa,” Mr Ugwu said. “But there is no single case that was instituted by the police for the confiscation of any of Mr Ezenwa’s properties or those of others that the police have taken over illegally.”



A vicious pushback
Mrs Ezenwa said all her bank accounts were frozen, leaving her in penury with her six-month-old baby. She accused the police of seizing the only N50,000 she had on her when she was picked up in August 2017 and put through a harrowing experience with her infant in an unkempt detention facility.

The Ezenwas’ case is one of scores of alleged human rights violations brought to the NHRC against the police and other security agencies by residents of the Southeast and South-South. A panel which NHRC constituted to hear the allegations began sitting last week in Abuja, and the Ezenwas may come up today, according to officials familiar with the schedules.

Mr Kyari, however, denied victimising Mrs Ezenwa and her child or seizing their properties without due process.

After stridently warning against any publication relating to the matter, the police officer later said he had the powers to confiscate the properties without a court order under Armed Robbery and Firearms Act, a process of government enrichment which rights advocates criticised as indistinguishable from robbery.

“He was a kidnapper as big as ‘Evans’,” Mr Kyari said by telephone Sunday evening. “We have been working to track other members of his syndicate since he was killed and we were called to take over the case.”

But there are no provisions granting the police the power to confiscate properties without recourse to the courts, either under the Armed Robbery and Firearms Act or any other Nigerian law, according to Abdul Mahmud, convener of the Public Interest Lawyers League (PILL).

“Section 44 of the Nigerian Constitution says only the court can deprive a citizen of a disputed property,” Mr Mahmud said. “The Armed Robbery and Firearms Act was inherited from the military era, even then, it cannot supersede the Nigerian Constitution.”

Mr Mahmud said the practice is very common in the Southeastern part of the country.

“It is either they accuse you of being an armed robber or a kidnapper,” Mr Mahmud said.

“The end is always that they take over people’s properties even when they have not proven that they were proceeds of criminal activities.”

The accused police commander, Mr Kyari, threatened to press defamation charges or “anything else” to clear his name if this story is published, saying it took him years to build a public image of a smart and hardworking officer. He has built a large social media following for some of his team’s exploits, which are often widely publicised by himself and the police media department.

Mr Ugwu, however, said the Ezenwas’ case was mild in comparison to other gross violations of citizens’ rights linked to Mr Kyari and other members of his squad. The police chief denied allegations of serial abuses and corruption.

Mr Kyari said Mrs Ezenwa was arrested and detained for weeks because she was a suspect in the alleged crimes of her late husband, and was granted tentative bail without charges as a nursing mother.

He was, however, unable to explain why his team could not secure a court order for forfeiture a year after Mr Ezenwa was killed. He also did not comment when PREMIUM TIMES sent him the two bank accounts where the earnings from the hotel and flats were going into and sought explanation for why incomes on properties said to have been taken over by the police were going into private hands.

Mr Kyari initially said his team had approached federal courts to seek forfeiture of Mr Ezenwa’s assets, and cited Mr Uhumwangho as the police lawyer handling the cases.

But although Mr Uhumwangho, an assistant superintendent of police, said he had filed for forfeiture of the asset at a federal court, he admitted first hearing would come until January 28, next week. He was unable to explain why it took the police so long to seek forfeiture of the property of a man they killed and labelled as a notorious kidnapper.

Although Mr Uhumwangho promised a response to our Sunday evening enquiries on the private bank accounts in which incomes from the properties are being deposited, he had not done so as of 4:09 p.m. Monday.

With the Height the Politicking of 2019 is going,PDP, APC Others should not hide behind written Documents and Teleprompters to deceive the People on Policies they have..Media Houses, Cooperate Organizations, Private Individuals, People of Nigeria Should come together and set up a Forum where Presidential and Vice Presidential Candidates must take intelligent questions and answer promptly. No one should be permitted to keep hiding behind overpaid media aids and Assistants. The time for this ritual is now.
The Buharists and Atikulates on Nairaland is it Possible?

Nigeria is making little progress in eliminating poverty.

New reports by global development institutions show that human capital spending in Nigeria—the poverty capital of the world after recently overtaking India—is among the worst in the world.

In the second ever Commitment to Reducing Inequality (CRI) index compiled by Development Finance International (DFI) and Oxfam, Nigeria placed bottom in a ranking of 157 nations. The CRI Index ranks the commitment of national governments to reducing the gap between rich and poor citizens by measuring three factors considered “critical” to reducing the gap: social spending, tax policies and labor rights. Nigeria ranked bottom of the index for the second consecutive year.

The report says Nigeria’ social spending (mainly on health, education and social protection) is “shamefully low.” And those meager levels are reflected in reality as Nigeria is home to the highest number of out-of-school children. Nigeria also scores poorly on labour rights (133 out of 157) but recent progressive tax policies—such as a tax amnesty scheme—were noted and expected to reflect in the next index.



Bottom 10 countries

Rank

Bangladesh 148
Singapore 149
Lao PDR 150
Madagascar 151
Bhutan 152
Sierra Leone 153
Chad 154
Haiti 155
Uzbeskistan 156
Nigeria 157

While the CRI index measures current realities, the World Bank’s first ever Human Capital Index (HCI) predicts future expectations but it is just as grim: ranks Nigeria 152nd out of the 157 countries.[b][/b]


a sign on the side of a building: The global economy is increasingly complicated and competitive. Countries are compelled to use whatever tools they have at their disposal to promote growth, attract business, and protect their economic interests. The international playing field is not level, however, and a number of unique disadvantages have made wealth creation and economic development nearly impossible in some parts of the world.The poorest countries in the world, regardless of continent or hemisphere, often share some common traits. In several cases, they were under European colonial control and only gained independence some time in the last century. Many of the poorest countries have also recently been devastated by civil war or natural disasters. Poor populations are also often hamstrung by political corruption and instability, as well as inadequate infrastructure and public services.Lacking the stability, and resources necessary to develop well-rounded, valuable economies of innovation, the poorest countries in the world tend to be heavily dependent on agriculture -- both for subsistence and international trade. Further, the lack of economic activity in many of these countries has significant implications for public health and life expectancy.24/7 Wall St. reviewed World Bank data on gross national income per capita based on purchasing power parity, or GNI per capita PPP, by country to identify the poorest countries in the world. This measure is commonly used to approximate average annual income. For reference, GNI per capita PPP in the United States is $54,151. In every country on this list, GNI per capita is below $3,000.
The index measures “the amount of human capital that a child born today can expect to attain by age 18.” That prediction is based on five indicators: chances of a child reaching age five, healthy growth, expected years of schooling, quality of learning available and the adult survival rate.

Nigeria’s HCI value of 0.34 (countries are scored between zero and one) is lower than the global average (pdf) of 0.57. It’s also lower than the regional average and the average for nations in Nigeria’s income bracket. As such, the report predicts that “a child born in Nigeria today will be 34% as productive when she grows up as she could be if she enjoyed complete education and full health.”



HCI value

Chad 0.29
South Sudan 0.3
Mali 0.32
Niger 0.32
Liberia 0.32
Nigeria 0.34
Sierra Leone 0.35
Mauritania 0.35
Sierra Leone 0.35
Angola 0.36

Reducing inequality and developing human capital is crucial to any efforts to eliminate poverty in Nigeria but data shows it is an area where successive governments have been lagging: the number of Nigerians living in extreme poverty increased by 35 million between 1990 and 2013 alone.

For its part, Nigeria’s government under president Buhari has launched social intervention programs, including cash transfers to its poorest people, in a bid to reverse its extreme poverty problem. Nigeria’s efforts at reducing poverty will have to yield immediate and long-term results given it’s ballooning population: the country is set to become the world’s third largest by 2050.


Nigeria’s petro-economy, which has typically been buoyed by rising oil prices has remained in the doldrums even after exiting a five-quarter recession last year. But the longer-term dire outlook of both reports reflect the poor planning and mismanagement by successive governments over many years.

Basic Registry and Information System in Nigeria a federal govt. job I just saw online. any news on it? and there is a Payment of #1,000. for registration. Do Check it out if its for real.

Gov. Rochas of Imo..it's been long since you did big project worthy of comments after digging up the entire major roads in Imo u have made your son-in-law and Buhari ambition your only project so far, while the rest of Southeastern Gov.are commissioning projects.

By Mike Ozekhome

I am shocked that the Igbos are not speaking up at the apparent siege laid on their land by uniformed person of different categories. They range from Army, Navy, Police, Civil Defence, Customs, FRSC, etc. My journey had taken me by road from Isele-Mkpitime, where I had gone to pay tribute to a Nigerian icon, Chief (Dr) P.K.C. Isagba, the Odogwu of Isele-Mkpitime. He was one of the first Nigerians to believe in my ability as a young fledgling lawyer. I had been handling his cases whilst at Chief Gani Fawehinmi’s Chambers. When I left as Deputy Head to set up my practice in January 1986, Chief Isagba personally went to Chief Gani Fawehinmi, to allow him move his files to me, to continue handling his cases; a request the amiable and selfless Gani granted immediately. So, Chief Isagba became my first major client as a tottering practising lawyer, trying to find my groggy feet. He became my bossom friend and elder brother.

My journey from Isele-Mkpitime, through Asaba, to Port-Harcourt, told me clearly that the entire Igbo land is locked down in a physical, psychological and mental siege, reminiscent of a civil war time.

When the Civil War ended January 15, 1970, the then military ruler, General “Jack” Yakubu Gowon, who became Head of State, at 31 and a bachelor, proclaimed the three Rs: “Reconciliation, Reconstruction and Rehabilitation”, which heralded his policy of “No Victor, No Vanquished”. This was after the unfortunate failure of the 4th-5th January, 1967, of the “Aburi Accord”, that would have prevented the bloody war in which over 2 million civilians and 100, 000 military combatants were killed. Or, was it an historical mistake that these people who had already manufactured “Ogbunigwe” (series of weapons, that included detonation mines, IED, and rocket propelled missiles), with which they prosecuted the Nigeria – Biafra war between 1967 and 1970, were prevented from leaving Nigeria? Perhaps, we would today have had a Japan, Singapore or South Korea lying side by side a sprawling “giant of Africa” on clay legs.

These policies were meant to quickly heal the gaping wounds of the gruesome blood-letting, forget the horrors and evils of the fratricidal war and quickly reintegrate the Igbos into the society.

But, have these hardworking, gregarious “Jews” of Nigeria been reconciled, rehabilitated and reintegrated into the mainstream of the Nigerian society? I doubt it. Simple proof: show me any Igbo man in today’s all powerful cabal kitchen cabinet of PMB’s Government. My journey from Isele-Mkpitime, Delta State, through Asaba, Onitsha, Oba, Oraifite, Okija, Ihiala, Mgbidi, Awomama, Owerri, Aba to Port-Harcourt, was a strangulating reminder that the Igbos, inspite of their unquantifiable contributions to the commerce, industry and innovations that drive the non-oil sector of the Nigerian economy and give it oxygen, are nearly a conquered people. The check-points along the above stretch of road are nauseating and asphyxiating, as the security agencies, including para-military ones out-do each other to harass, torment, search, intimidate and extort money from travelers.

Earlier journeys by road (I travel a lot on professional duties), had shown me the same siege through countless roadblocks: Enugu, through the Ugwogo Nike-Opi-Nsukka Road; Amansea in Awka-Ugwuoba Oji River; Nnewi, Alor, Ekwulobia, Amesi, Ugar, Umuchu; Okigwe, Awgu and Ituku Ozalla, Umuahia and Isiala-Ngwa, on Enugu-Port Harcourt expressway. On the Umuahia-Ikot Ekpene highway, you have exasperating road blocks at Michael Okpara University junction; Isingwu-Nkweogwu junction of the Isuikwuato-Uzuakoli-Ajayi-Igbere road; and the 14 Brigade Army barracks junction at the Ohafia-Arochukwu highway.

As you are crossing one check point, a mere look ahead of you, of less than half a kilometer, will reveal another barricade. It is all so frustrating. There is no war, or security breach. South East is not North East where Boko Haram still calls the shots (forget about Government’s pet words of “we have degraded Boko Haram”; Boko Haram is still very potent, controlling large areas, killing and maiming people on a daily basis. Their representative said that much at the 2nd May, 2017, Re-Union meeting of the 2014 National Conference delegates at Daar Communications Centre, Abuja, where I delivered the keynote address).

Yet, in this Boko Haram-ravaged region, you would not find this armada of security, treating the entire geo-political zone made up of five states (the least in Nigeria; some others have seven states), like a conquered territory.

It is only the recent suit by my good friend, Olisa Agbakoba, SAN, (six of us founded the Civil Liberties Organization (CLO) – the first human rights body in Nigeria-on 15th October, 1987), over “marginalisation of the South East region”, that has perhaps brought to the front burner, these disturbing tons of injustice. That is why no one can ignore Nnamdi Kanu and his IPOB, Ralph Uwazurike’s MASSOB, etc, agitating for self –determination, a right sanctioned and recognised even by the UNO.

These fully armed and trigger-happy security personnel have never taken steps to protect the Igbo race, against rampaging Fulani Herdsmen that raid their homes, to maim, kill and rape their wives (remember Nimbo in Uzo Uwani LGA in Enugu State). They have never repelled the incessant reign of terror by armed robbers, kidnappers, hired assassins and murderers. No, they are stationed there for three main reasons: (1) check the bid for self determination by the Igbos; (2) extort money from the wealthy and poor Igbo traders who ply these routes; (3) remind the Igbos that the all powerful Federal Government is on ground to silence the people and force them to toe their ruling party line. Wait a minute; is that why some prominent Igbos, including erstwhile leaders, members of the BOT and two-time Governors for eight years under PDP, have been outdoing each other to decamp to a non-performing and fundamentally flawed party like the APC? Let me end this piece by recommending to the Ndigbos, the legendary Hubert Ogunde’s immortal words, in his most famous 1964 play, “Yoruba Ronu” (“Yorubas, think”), a stinging satire that got his theatre company banned, which ban was later lifted in 1966, by the new military Governor.

Ndigbos, cheenu echiche (Igbos, think).

SESAN
4 JUN 2018
Adelani Adepegba, Abuja
Victims of robbery at Gwandala, New Nyanya, Nasarawa State, have accused the Federal Special Anti-Robbery Squad, Abuja, of extorting N60,000 from them for investigation into the robbery attacks on their homes.
The victims alleged that the Investigating Police Officer, identified as ASP James Echu, told them that the money was for “IG approval and fuel” to investigate the robbery incident which occurred on May 15, 2018.
The complainants stated that Echu was initially given N5,000 for fueling the patrol van and additional N15,000 for his subordinates, adding that he subsequently collected additional N40,000 for the approval of the Inspector-General of Police to investigate the robbery attacks.
Narrating his ordeal in the hands of the robbers, Amos Ejiroghene explained that the bandits scaled the fence and jumped into his compound around 1.30am, adding that they broke down his door and asked him and his family members to lie on the floor while they ransacked the rooms.
After taking four phones, electronics and N100,000 cash and other personal items including shoes, the robbers demanded for the key to his Toyota Camry with which they made their escape after attacking two other homes in the neighbourhood.
Ejiroghene further stated that a neighbour who was trying to leave his residence to evade the marauders was caught and attacked with a machete, adding that he sustained injuries in the head and hand.
According to him, the victims of the robbery took the injured man to the Masaka police station, but the female officer on duty refused to attend to them, saying they should come back by 10 in the morning.
He said, “The other residents who were robbed went to the Masaka police station around 4 a.m. to report the case, and collect police report to enable them to take the injured man popularly called Alhaji to the hospital, but the policewoman on duty said they should come back by 10am. They refused to respond to the distress calls.
“When we got to the station around 12 noon, the policemen on duty said we should come the next day, saying that the lady we met earlier was not around. That was when I got angry and I went to see the DPO who said his officers should follow us. They came and saw the scene of the robbery and since then, we didn’t hear from them.”
Displeased with the turn of events, Ejiroghene and a neighbour reported the matter to the Federal Special Anti-Robbery Squad in Abuja where it was assigned to ASP James Echu.
“When we got to SARS, Echu initially demanded N10,000 to buy fuel, that was on May 17. We gave them N5,000 for fuel and N15,000 for his boys. He now said we needed to write a petition to the IG so he could have the authority to interrogate the suspects very well.
“He said it is a lawyer that would write the petition and the lawyer would take N10,000, but I told him I can write the petition. Other robbery victims said we should give him the money.
“He now said that to get a stamp and approval from IG for the investigation is N40,000. He called it ‘IG approval.’ So we decided to give him the money so that he can recover our stolen properties.
He added, “More than four of us were aware of his demand; it wasn’t done in secret and I was the one that handed over the money to him inside the facility there. But till this moment, he has not recovered a pin. Altogether, he has collected N60,000: N40,000 for IG approval and N20,000 which we willingly gave him, but he has not recovered anything from the suspects,” Ejiroghene stated.
He further narrated that Echu subsequently arrested a suspect identified as Emmanuel who was recognised by a house-help at one of the houses that was raided, adding that the IPO later informed the complainants that the suspect had confessed to the crime.
“A lady who was also robbed led the SARS operatives to pick the suspect identified as Emmanuel on May 18. The IPO later informed the lady that the suspect had confessed to the crime and identified about nine other accomplices who participated in the robberies. From that time till now, we have not heard from the police,” he added.
“Anytime we asked the IPO, he would say they were still working on the suspects. It was later I found out that the IPO has a 22-year relationship with the suspect’s father and because of that he has been dilly-dallying over the case. He has also failed to recover any of the stolen properties,” the businessman alleged.
When asked about the alleged extortion, Echu did not deny it but simply stated that the money was received by his superiors, noting that the complainants were not serious about the investigation into the robbery case.
He said, “Don’t mind them; it was just now that we got their petition. They paid the money for the approval, that is how they go about spoiling people’s names. I asked the pressman (one of the victims who is a journalist) to bring the IMEI of the phones that were stolen because we need it in order to get the suspects, but for the past three weeks, he has not shown up.”
“Last Tuesday, he now brought the numbers, about 12 of them. My superior has approved and they are now working on it. Don’t mind them, they are very stupid people, they don’t know what they are doing.
“Had it been they brought the numbers since, we would have apprehended the people that robbed them. They paid the money to my superiors, they should write a petition against me, I would respond to it,” he said.
The Commander in-charge of FSARS, DCP Yusuf Kolo, said he was not aware of the extortion, adding that the complainants did not inform him about it.
“Tell them (complainants) to come forward and I would ask them to identify the policemen involved, I don’t tolerate such misconduct. Why didn’t they complain to me when we met?
“Immediately they told me about the robbery incident, I asked my men to go after the suspects and we are still carrying out the investigation,” he said on the phone.

I can't help but notice that Buhari visits Northern States and Osinbanjo Southern.

NIGERIA is in for collateral crisis of unimaginable proportion if the video clips of the Inspector General of Police, Mr. Ibrahim Idris tweaking in the social media is to be believed. The video clips depicted where IG struggled and laboured to read from a prepared speech in vain, even with the help of an aide in an audience in Kano State at a forum set aside to address the insecurity in the country. Nigerians can now understand why I wrote earlier that the IG Ibrahim Idris is deaf and dumb.

Kano State for Ibrahim Idris represents land of fortune and disgrace. It was alleged that Mr. Idris owned his sudden promotion from Commissioner of Police to Inspector-General of Police as a result of manipulation of President Muhammadu Buhari's 100% electoral victory in that state in 2015, where none of the registered voters either traveled or died!

It was alleged at the time that the fall out from the Kano 100% of two million votes for President Buhari which didn't go down well with the Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC) late Alhaji Munkaila Abdullahi who was roasted in his official residence along with his wife and two daughters was at the heart of Mr. Idris's compensation for a job copiously executed.

Some neighbours, who declined to be named then for fear they might be harassed by the police, said the fire was strange, and suggested the police should not consider the incident an ordinary one.

But Mr. Idris — being the Commissioner of Police, dismissed the allegation then as untrue: "today (yesterday) at about 4.30am, the policemen on guard duty at the official residence of the Kano Resident Electoral Commissioner, Alhaji Munkaila Abdullahi located at 2 Sir Kashim Road observed a fire emanating from split air conditioners in the sitting room“.

What was not in doubt was that the official residence of the late REC is 500 meters away from Government House and 10 meters away from the heavily fortified security checkpoint in front of the official residence of the Assistant Inspector General of Police in Zone 1, Alhaji Tambari Yabo.

One incontrovertible fact was that Mr. Ibrahim Idris swiftly promoted from his Commissioner of Police position to an Assistant Inspector-General of Police and then appointed IGP, an inordinate process that costs twelve brilliant AIGs their jobs.

This is not the first time IG Idris would be exhibiting stark illiteracy. Mr. Idris's sterility came to the fore at the Senate confirmation section in 2016 where his hollowness was exposed as a man whose appointment was meant to pay back previous good done to the appointing authority.

Strictly speaking — on that occasion — Mr. Idris brought the Bachelors degree in Agriculture from Ahmadu Bello University Zaria and Bachelors degree in Law from the University of Maiduguri into disrepute, altogether.

As a product of quota system, Nigerians are not sure that the IG of Police couldn't read from a prepared speech or directly engage the audience. It's the wickedness of the northern Nigerian political leadership who deliberately, disgracefully and, of course criminally lowered and destroyed the standard of education in a bid to hold the country down.

The problem of educational backwardness in northern Nigeria goes to the core of acceptance of stupidity both by the leaders and the denizens who conspired to lower the mark for them to pass exams in a competitive society where everyone operates on the same plain. This is the time every Nigerian and the global community should rise up and admonish fraudulent northern political leaders and charge them to stop thinking that something is wrong with the intellect of the northern child or their learning ability.

The northern youths should know that anybody who tell them they are not good enough is not doing them a favour. Anybody who tells you that you do not have the capacity to be the best that you can, isn't doing you a favour. But the travesty is when a government deliberately conscripts misfits like IG Ibrahim Idris into high public offices. The point that must be made is that the northern kids are intelligent and smart God's creatures who have been terribly shortchanged by their heartless psychopathic leadership who are gradually becoming victims of their own wickedness, now seeking outsiders' help.

The northern political elites shouldn't think they're doing the northern children any favour by lowering the standard of education. Rather, they're creating educational mess in their part of the world so that those kids should not have hope so as to use them as a ready army for political proposes.

It's pertinent President Buhari's administration has to step up to the plague of inferiority which debases the northern child to the point of saying I can not learn or do the right thing as a result of my sub-humanity. The second-hand education or absence of it manifested when none of the kidnapped Dapchi secondary school girls in Yobe State could not communicate or write in English language! More tragic is the fact that 90% of the 12 million Nigerian children of school age who are roaming the streets and bushes according to UNESCO statistics are from the north.

The failure of northern political leaders to borrow a leaf from Governor Nasir El-Rufai's model of legislation which criminalizes begging, street trading and 10-year imprisonment of parents who allowed their kids to roam about at school hours is at the heart of the crisis. Without that, northern Nigeria will continue to contribute Boko Haram militias, terrorist Fulani herders and functional illiterates like IG Ibrahim Idris to the Nigerian union who cannot communicate in public.

The failure of the Nigerian union is the inability or (sheer) selfishness of our leaders — past and present — to evolve a country where every part or section of the society can take care of itself. The APC and President Buhari government can easily redeem the system by making education compulsory at all levels and by ensuring that illiterates like IG Ibrahim Idris have no business in holding public offices.


Erasmus, A Public Affairs Analyst writes from Lagos

Going by the antics of most Federal govt. Online recruitment Jobs, it seems the current Prisons recruitment is turned against us again the commoners. The site won't open during the day with the high peak hours of internet surfing not in the midnight to early morning with lower peak internet surfing. Has anyone noticed this yet?

And the IGP is scheduled to receive The Daily Sun Newspaper Hero of the Year award. What is Wrong with Us Nigerians. Ehh!

Any parents in the house whom has experienced or are experiencing a failure to thrive child, how did you manage? My son is almost a year but still looking like a 6 month old. What do do you think about it
How do you advise us.

Tonight I shall hug my Sons tightly as my heart goes to this little life snuffed out by those charged to protect in this country. What ever happened to Rubber Bullets used by other nations to scare protesters I can't tell. They cannot shake Amnesty international off with these always on our minds and their conscience.

nerdymufasa:
Try to copy link and post properly...

Interesting speeches in this we country... hope after raising dust lyk this, he's not gonna be settled with a slot tho...

Well, was it not pasted well or not copied well, which?

I live in owerri, as much as I don't support the move by the imo State government, the move by the Indigenes of that area hosting the market is greed of the highest order, because they collect N300 from each roadside trader, they prefer to keep them blocking a major road leading to Other Southern States. It is so disheartening to co-exist with little minded people.

The House of Representatives, yesterday, mandated its Committee on Federal Character to investigate ongoing recruitment exercise by the Federal Civil Service Commission (FCSC). The House took the decision in a resolution titled, “urgent need to investigate the unwholesome practices involving the Federal Civil Service Commission (FCSC) with respect to the ongoing recruitment exercise announced by the commission.” It urged the commission to, without further delay, declare publicly, the number of vacancies available and distribute same according to states in accordance with the federal character principle. The House mandated the committee to investigate allegations of unwholesome practices and the alleged breach of the Federal Character principle as dictated in Sections 14 (3) and (4) of the constitution. It also mandated the commission to ensure a 24-hour accessibility of the recruitment portal for intending applicants and extend the deadline for the submission of applications. The motion was co-sponsored by Dr. Henry Okon Archibong, who represents Itu/Ibiono Ibom Federal Constituency of Akwa Ibom State; Solomon Bulus Maren, representing Mangu/Bokkos Federal Constituency of Plateau State and Mustapha Dawaki, who represents Dawakin-Kudu/Warawa Federal Constituency. Leading the debate on the motion, Archibong accused the commission of frustrating the efforts of poor applicants. According to him, thousands of applicants from different parts of the country have tried but have not been successful in applying on the website provided by the commission. He said the applicants have complained of the website only functioning between 2a.m and 2.15 a.m. He said, “This is a ploy by the commission to come up with names of friends and the children of the high and mighty in society as the only ones that applied for employment, thereby depriving the children of the poor and the Federal Government of willing and qualified hands to move the country forward.” The motion, which was unanimously passed when put to a voice vote by the Speaker, Yakubu Dogara, who presided over the plenary, was transmitted to the Committee on Federal Character which is to report back to the House in one week.
Source: Vanguard

Any water borehole expert in the house? Living in Owerri and environ. Please leave me ur quotation and contacts here.

I'm so impressed... I'v had this on my mind too but no tutor. Please ur number is not very visible on d pix. Pls. Place it here. I want to contact you on watsapp.

Just Stumbled into this BBC report on Apo six done on May 5 2005. Today June 8 marks a gruesome murder by those entrusted to protect our lives. This report better describes the story to refresh our minds to a justice still been sought 11 years on.

In the fourth of a series of articles looking at policing in Nigeria, the BBC's Andrew Walker asks what happened to the "Apo Six", the most infamous case of extra-judicial killing in Nigeria's history:
The pictures are truly gruesome - we cannot publish them.
Lawyer Amobi Nzelu spreads the glossy prints out on his desk, covering it with horror.
There is nowhere else to look except at the bodies.
There is a close-up of a face, gaping exit-wound at the temple.
Limbs and torsos covered in blood.
Dead eyes stare upward.
"This is a human being," he says.
"Look what they did."
Apology
The bodies belong to six young Nigerians killed by the police.
Ekene Isaac Mgbe, Ifeanyin Ozor, Chinedu Meniru, Paulinus Ogbonna and Anthony and Augustina Arebu were killed on 7 and 8 June, 2005.
The police tried to say they were armed robbers who had opened fire first.
But a judicial panel of inquiry set up by former President Olusegun Obasanjo rejected the police's story and the government apologised on behalf of the police for their killings.
The government paid $20,300 (£13,800) compensation to each of the families.
It recommended the officers be arrested and face a criminal trial.
But nearly four years since the night the Apo Six were killed, the trial has got nowhere.
The public has almost forgotten the case is still going on.
Danjuma Ibrahim, the senior police officer accused of ordering the killings, lives free on medical bail.
And the families of the dead have all but given up on justice.
Tight-knit
Elvis Ozor is the younger brother of Ifeanyin Ozor.
Like his brother, he works as a spare car parts merchant in the Apo mechanics' village, south of the capital, Abuja.
It is a kind of shanty-town of sea crates and workshops where five of the Apo Six worked.
This is a tight-knit community, mostly of ethnic Igbos from Nigeria's south-east.
On 8 June 2005 the Apo mechanics found the police burying their friends in a cemetery that, by chance, was near their workshops.
"My friend was going to the bush, to go to the toilet, when he saw the police digging a hole and preparing to bury some people," Elvis says.
"They recognised my brother. When the police said they were armed robbers, no-one believed them - they knew my brother was not like that."
"When I arrived at work, word had spread, but I didn't know. I arrived and everyone was looking at me," he says.
The story was out, and an angry mob gathered.
There was a riot in Apo and the police shot two more people dead.
Unlike any other case of suspected extra-judicial killing in Nigeria, some of the police broke ranks and turned on the senior officer involved.
The other five officers accused of the murders and eight more police witnesses have testified that Danjuma Ibrahim ordered the killings.
During the judicial panel hearings, some Igbo police officers fed information to Mr Nzelu, who represented the families of the Apo Six.
The panel heard that the six were at a nightclub in Abuja's Area 11 when Mr Ibrahim - then off duty - propositioned Augustina.
She turned him down, according to the testimony of Ifeanyin Ozor's friends.
Ransom demand
Mr Ibrahim went to a police checkpoint at the end of the street and told officers there were a group of armed robbers in the area.
When the six young people came in their car, he drove into them, blocking their way and ordered the police officers to shoot.
Ifeanyin called his friends after he survived the first burst of gunfire, they testified.
Who actually fired the shots is still disputed by Danjuma Ibrahim's lawyers, but four of the six were killed there, the prosecution says.
Ifeanyin and Augustina were taken to a police station.
Officers called Augustina's family to demand a 5,000 naira (then $43, £22) ransom to let her go, according to a report by the UN special rapporteur on extra-judicial execution.
Her family could not raise the money.
They were taken to a piece of rough ground outside town where they were executed, police officers testified at the criminal trial.
Augustina was strangled.
Then the police planted guns on the bodies of all six of the bodies and pictures were taken of them in the grounds of a police station by a police photographer.
Danjuma's defence
At the criminal trial, Mr Ibrahim's lawyers maintained that the Apo Six fired first.
He says all of them were killed in the gun battle, and a "home made" pistol and a shotgun were found in the car.
His lawyer Hyeladzira Nganjiwa says the prosecution dropped charges against some police officers in return for them changing their testimony.
Mr Ibrahim is the fall guy in a government plot to sweep the incident under the carpet, he said.
"I could never have done what they are accusing me of," Mr Ibrahim told the BBC outside the Abuja court where he is being tried.
He was released on medical bail in 2006, after his lawyer said he had a heart condition.
The five other accused - one of whom is now dying of Aids, according to his lawyer - remain in police custody.
That trial has been going on for almost three years.
After hearing the testimony of eight prosecution witnesses, the defence is now cross-examining the first.
Lawyers say the case is being stalled so it will eventually be forgotten, and the charges dismissed.
'Stalling'
In this case people accepted the victims were not armed robbers because they came from a close community.
But in other less high-profile cases, the public turns a blind eye to police killing, human rights advocates say.
The reluctance to punish police officers "emboldens" other officers to kill, says Eric Guttschuss of Human Rights Watch.
But the police say a great deal has changed since Apo Six case.
"The police have a higher respect for human rights than before," says spokesman Emmanuel Ojukwu.
"I am not aware of any recent cases of extra-judicial killing."
Divine justice?
Mr Guttschuss of Human Rights Watch, which tracks alleged cases, disagrees.
"Extra-judicial killing in the police remains a shockingly common occurrence."
He says the police lack the capacity to properly investigate crimes, and because of the pressure from society to deal with violent criminals, they simply dispose of suspects without the encumbrance of trials.
"[A] Nigerian's guilt or innocence is immaterial," he says.
Elvis Ozor says he has given up on the judicial system.
"When Danjuma was released, I forgot everything about the case."
"The only way justice will be delivered is from God."

The look when Step-mum becomes friendly in public but winche at home.

She's not your Babe. When u try to kiss her to start with and she says she doesnt kiss..
she's not your babe;when u are applying ur best tricks to get her to moan and confess how great you are but she keeps asking "have u come", "abeg do come", "oga u too rough take am easy na".etc.
Not your Babe when u try to suck the B or Finger the Protroded V and she gives u that stern warning look.
Then after the show u try to snuggle her up but she flings away your hand..
Then u want one round in the Mid-night not because u want to but to get value for your money but her complaints kill ur tinggy and are begging her to help u get it up but she says"oga na for d small money u wan pay me u wan kill me this night..I do I wan sleep".
Still not your babe when she's dressing up,covering up that sexy curved ass and pointed Bs' in the morning to go and ur Tinggy wants a fast one for the Road..but she demands for her cash and away she flew.! She's a Prostitute.
Babe is better..Takes time but find one.

Any body from P.H. zone? When is IMO turn for screening?? thanks.

"I have never cheated on my husband...not with Don Jazzy, not with Dr Sid, not with 2face.." Makes it seem like she cheated wit some other different Dude or Dudes.