A flash back...
"If ASUU decides today not to embark on any strike again ever, this will not solve any of the problems of the education sector; rather, it will compound them...This nation owes a debt of gratitude to ASUU and the strike should not be called off until the government accepts to do - and does - what is required....So, instead of hectoring ASUU to call off its strike, the nation should be praying for more of its kind in other sectors of the economy."
Malam Adamu Adamu (2013).
#Copied#.

First of all iam not a medical doctor, just sharing my experience. You need to check your Bp, go to the hospital and do a lipid panel test to confirm your level of cholestrol and then blood sugar level. You might be suffering from what they call neuropathic pains.

Iam a 2nd Class upper graduate of Sociology. I got a job less than a month after NYSC, and have since then had the courtesy of changing 2 other good jobs before the present one within a space of 5 years. My advice however will be to concentrate and come out with a good grade cos even good graduates of PHE are working in sectors where graduates with designated certificate won’t cos of poor result. And you will be doing yourself a big Favour if you are very good in the aspect of Social research. Being a good sociology is synonymous to being an excellent researcher cos this makes you very suitable for NGOs and academic jobs. Las las just concentrate on developing yourself regardless of the discipline u are studying

justebuka:
Urgent: Please All Gradauate Of sociology Where Are You Working Now

am a student of uniport dep of sociology
I initially wanted law b4 waec then i changed my min during jamb
Please how good is sociology and as a graduate where are you working
And which jobs is promising to us

SamuelLoch:


I wasn't going to mention it but now that you've done that OP wouldn't be happy. If you look closely, you would spot some more features.

Even the arm rest and the bonnet is battered. It Is like insult on people’s sensitivity to put the asking price of this car for 800+ in the first instance. I mean no disrespect. As someone said earlier just jolting your memory to the prevail realities

ASUU is always opened minded anytime they embark on strike but the FG has never been sincere. They will employ different tactics include blackmail; delays and frustrates negotiations, violates its own final pact with ASUU or simply goes home to sleep at the end of a protracted negotiation and final agreement…until ASUU again calls out its members on strike. And suddenly
everyone becomes an educational expert and consultant who is more patriotic and knowledgeable than university lecturers and scholars: Everyone begins to teach, castigate, lambaste and curse lecturers for their insensitivity, calculating the many years ASUU strikes have wasted of the system but failing biasedly to calculate the gains of ASUU strikes in that sector. As a Nigerian poet states elsewhere, ‘in Nigeria, even imbeciles pose as sages and pigs, saints and saviours. Rodents climb up to the trees to teach birds how to fly. STONES dive into waters to coach fishes how to swim and breathe in their own world.’

ASUU in the last 20 years of Civilian Rule has been the only progressive voice fighting for the masses.

The records are there , it was negotiation by ASUU that led to the creation of the Educational Trust Fund . It ensures companies pay 2.5 percent of their Profit to the ETF. Go to all our institution of higher learning today , the capital projects are all funded by ETF. Your Labs, Libraries, classes u graduated from or attending classes are carrying one TETFUND intervention 2013 or another form of inscription on their walls. All these have been archived solely through series of strikes.
This is in a country where FG complain of no money but spend N20B to build EFCC HQ, N39B to renovate National Assembly Complex, where ASO Rock Clinic gets N3B capital budget in a year while all the nations University Teaching Hospital get less than that combined!!!

Yes ASUU should be sacked. But before that note this... that most of the ASUU strike are not about salary increase as government want u to believe. Instead of u to praise our long suffering and patriotic lecturers and university administrators, we join an under performing government to castigate them.
If we can not join ASUU to pressurise Government to equip and fund our Universities, we can as well stop accusing ASUU without verifiable facts.

RudyNerdy:
can't The FG sacked and dissolve that use less ASUU chairman and probably get the bastard arrested and jailed?
Gosh things like this makes me really value military Regime

Is it manual or Automatic transmission.

The same government that took a decision in May this year not to sack any head of government without following due process. Double standard!

Serious buyer: 1.050

omobolaji17:
Clean, first body, everything is in good condition, buy and drive. You will enjoy it. 08035909985. 08023891617. 08091251650 call bj.

Seriously!�

1.250. Location please

Clean ride

Can 1.1 fly? Please send location

Serious buyer. Indicate ur location let my guy from FESTAC hook up with u for inspection

Aolconsult:


The money is not so much if you are to go with 0.78%

please help share this information to Nigerians

What are u really trying to prove with this?Are u aware there are over 120million Nigerians paying rent and lease on multiple properties? Multiply 0.78 with that number and see

Aolconsult:


The money is not so much if you are to go with 0.78%

please help share this information to Nigerians

What are u trying to prove with this? Are u aware that there are over 100million Nigerians paying rent and lease on multiple properties? Multiply that with the money equivalent of 0.78.

How much is the KYB shocks for a Toyota Camry 2000 model (Big light). Both front and back

So all that noise and show was for propaganda. Just to give an impression to he gullible that he is not a pushed over. It’s such a shame that we keep dancing in circles but continue to give impression that we have change from out previous ways

Thanks a lot for this updates. How much is Mercedes Benz C180 or C220 2001-2003?

Please how much will it cost to clear a Mercedes 220 2001 on Roro?

Location? So I can send someone to check

Is the AC working?

aremuforlife:

How has she solved Nigeria problems? Kemi Adeosun has shown her worth while in office, and we can attest to her performanc. She was just a victim of political witch hunt.

And how exactly did Kemi show her worth that NOI was unable to? Leave ethnic sympathy aside. While acknowledging her knowledge about finance and Economy, Kemi shouldn’t be compared to NOI. She is not in the same league with NOI

Is either u got your calculation wrong or u didn’t include other expenses like transportation, power, water as well as accommodation among other bills. A colleague of mine recently returned from UK where he bagged his PhD in Geology. He spent more than 16 million. The least amount u should be looking at is 25-30million. But except for personal reasons or for promotion to senior cadre in lecturing, u don’t need a PhD certificate as it will add little or no value in terms of remunerations or promotion in conventional public or private sector.

It really depends on your location. The car is good, strong, reliable and fuel efficient. But if you are intending to use it in areas outside North and North Central. U will have issues with parts and good mechanics. But it’s a very good car for transport Biz cos of fuel economy. I drove this car last year with fuel of approximately #950 (from Katsina to Makurdi) a distance over 725km. But the model is beginning to emerge in most parts of the country now

FortuneDeGreat:
Madam Ngozi is not an Igbo woman, but was married by an Igbo.
Her tribe is Niger delta.
PERIOD!

And even though Yonov Agah is from the North Central, he is a Christian from one the most marginalized group (Tiv people).

Summary of Buhari’s Five years:Lengthy but a must-read.

By Mahmud Jega

Millions of Nigerians heralded his ascension to the presidency in 2015 as the coming of the Messiah. It was all due to his reputation as the iron fisted military ruler 30 years earlier, known for a Spartan lifestyle, over concerned about societal discipline, who withstood a military putsch by his colleagues plus three years in detention, only to become the Nigerian political leader with the largest personal following since the First Republic, withstand the traps and inconveniences of being opposition leader for 13 years, and finally achieved the feat of defeating an incumbent Federal administration for the first time in Nigeria'a history.

From that point however, the glorious narrative ran into stormy weather like the Titanic in the icy North Atlantic gales. He has not yet hit the iceberg, but he has a lot of adroit renavigation to do. In five years as President, the widely anticipated Buhari magic did not quite go according to plan. For one, the political conditions are very different from his days as a military ruler. That time he was young, idealistic and tough as a door nail. He ruled by decrees that could supercede the Constitution and oust the jurisdiction of courts. He could handpick and appoint ministers and state governors. He was assisted only by a 22-member Supreme Military Council.

As civilian President however, Buhari found himself hobbled by a Constitution, by a fractious political party most of whose members do not share his vision, by an aggressive opposition that he cannot tame, by an assertive National Assembly and an even more assertive Judiciary, by independently elected state governors, by a transformed Nigerian economy and society in which the private sector is a much bigger player, and by a Vice President that he hardly knew. Yemi Osinbajo is a prickly lawyer, priest and university don a world apart from Major General Tunde Idiagbon.

In the event, Buhari unfolded a leadership style that Nigerians did not expect. He kicked off his presidency with a mysterious Inaugural promise to belong to everybody and to nobody. It was not long before commentators said he belonged to a small cabal of associates. Although every president since Shehu Shagari had been accused of being surrounded by overbearing and often unscrupulous aides, none was accused as much as Buhari of having a cabal around him.

Unlike in 1984-85 when he arrested politicians en masse, made appointments, sacked officials, rolled out policies and enacted decrees with rapid fire regularity, Buhari quickly came to be known in 2015 for slow decision making. It took him three months to appoint an SGF and a Chief of Staff, three months to appoint military and security chiefs and nearly six months to appoint ministers. He spent many months taking briefings from permanent secretaries. Many public corporations and agencies went without boards for years. It took two years to appoint ambassadors, and dozens of executive agency headships remained vacant for years.

There was a slight improvement when he was reelected in 2019, but nothing of the kind that we see in the US, of cabinet secretaries and key officials nominated even before inauguration.

Of the two titanic arms of government created by the 1999 Constitution, President Buhari’s relationship with the National Assembly was frosty for four years. Many Nigerians saw the quarrel with Senate President Bukola Saraki and later, House Speaker Yakubu Dogara as unnecessary, since both men were APC members. The relationship deteriorated to an extent where the Presidency hurled accusations at the legislature, accused it of padding budgets, of corruption and of stymieing projects. Even though the current National Assembly leaders are very much pro-Buhari, the pace of passing legislation has hardly improved.

The Buhari Presidency’s relationship with the Judiciary was equally stormy. Three events in particular defined it. One was Buhari’s trenchant criticism of the judiciary, notably a statement he made during a meeting with the Nigerian community in Kenya in 2016 that it was impeding the fight against corruption. The invasion by DSS agents of the houses of two Supreme Court justices and later, the forced resignation of Chief Justice of Nigeria Walter Onnoghen, added to the bad blood between the two.

Buhari’s relationship with his own political party, APC, is also problematic. Problems in the long-ruling PDP had ensured that many of its important members defected and flooded into APC at its formation in 2013. These included former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and several governors who came in through nPDP. In 2015, Buhari personally campaigned for Sak [i.e. a vote for every APC candidate]. It recorded a smashing success at the polls but he later appeared to have regretted it. APC increasingly assumed the political colours of PDP. PMB responded by steadily distancing himself from the party. He shows no visible excitement about it, allows the party to flounder, going for months without holding NEC meetings or conventions. APC’s National Working Committee soon degenerated into a Hammer House of Horror, unable for more than a year to replace key officials such as the National Secretary. It suspended key national and state officers, only for the courts to restore them because due process was not followed.

Although Buhari himself had a fairly easy reelection win in 2019, APC had a very difficult time at the polls. Though it retained Osun, regained Ekiti and Ondo from PDP in off season elections and regained Kwara and Oyo in 2019, it lost Bauchi and Adamawa, nearly lost Kano, only just managed to retain Ogun, was unable to regain Benue and Sokoto from defected APC governors, sensationally lost Zamfara due to internal squabbling, lost Imo to PDP only to regain it through the courts, and won Bayelsa in an off season election, only to lose it again at the election tribunal.

Buhari’s relationship with the media has been ambivalent, some of it historically attributable to his Decree 4 of 1984. Media men think the president is aloof and inarticulate. Unlike the voluble Obasanjo, Buhari holds almost no media chats, hardly grants local press interviews, makes his important policy statements abroad, usually at meetings with the Nigerian community. On their part, Buhari and his top officials believe the media is corrupt and it stridently criticizes them because, unless their predecessors, they don’t lavish money on its officials.

Media men on their part believe the Buhari Administration is ill disciplined, with major infighting among its top officials such as between Petroleum Minister Ibe Kachikwu and NNPC Group Managing Director Maikanti Baru; between Kachikwu and Chief of Staff Kyari; between Kyari and Head of Service Eyo-Ita; between Kyari and National Security Adviser General Monguno; between EFCC Chairman Ibrahim Magu and DSS director general Lawal Daura; between APC national chairman Adams Oshiomhole and APC NWC members; between Oshiomhole and Governors Yari, Okorocha, Amosun and Obaseki; between Communications Minister Isa Pantami and NCC Executive Vice Chairman Prof Danbatta and lately, between Pantami and Diaspora Commission boss Abike Dabiri Erewa.

The Abdulrashid Maina scandal, in which the dismissed former Pension boss was surreptitiously restored into public service, thoroughly embarrassed the government and led to the public altercation between Kyari and Eyo-Ita. Equally troubling for the Buhari record was First Lady Aisha Buhari’s strident attack on the so-called cabal around her husband. It directly led to Buhari’s biggest public gaffe, when he said in Germany that his wife belonged to the kitchen and to “the other room.” Buhari’s relationship with Big Labour has been poor due to the 2016 increase in fuel prices, strikes by many labour unions in the education, health and judicial sectors; as well as the drag in new minimum wage negotiations and later, its implementation.

Buhari’s top concern has been fighting corruption. He did not appear to have a comprehensive plan for it and has pursued it mostly through EFCC. The agency’s chring influence. Last August Buhari ordered all ministers to report to him through Kyari. With his death last month, Buhari appointed the highly regarded academic and international diplomat Ibrahim Gambari as his successor. Gambari has no record of participation in partisan politics. It is yet to be seen how much the Buhari Presidency will change in style and substance with his coming on board.

airman Ibrahim Magu, who has never been confirmed by the Senate, nevertheless complimented Buhari’s tough guy attitude to corruption. The biggest exposures were the arms money scandal, monumental corruption in the oil sector, and massive electoral bribery by former Petroleum Minister Diezani Allison Madueke. Although some cases resulted in convictions, many high-profile corruption cases are still stymied in the courts. PDP leaders also say that the fight is politically selective, and that opposition party figures who defect to APC have their sins washed away, no thanks to a gaffe by Oshiomhole.
Despite five years of fighting corruption at the top of its agenda, Nigeria’s standing in Transparency International’s annual corruption perception index has hardly improved. This is probably because of pervasive corruption in the civil service, security forces, judiciary, in politics and in public life.

Although he has pursued some key infrastructure projects and unrolled a multi-billion-naira Social Investment Plan, in five years at the helm, President Buhari did not unroll a coherent economic program. The economic recession in 2015-17, caused by a fall in international crude oil prices, presented Buhari with a serious challenge early in his tenure. Top economists said at the time that it could have been averted with appropriate fiscal policy response. But Buhari does not have a visible Economic Adviser. During the first term, economic policy was left under the purview as Vice President Osinbajo as statutory chairman of the National Economic Council. Last year however, it was transferred to an Economic Advisory Team, which is yet to unfold a comprehensive economic blueprint. As a result, many hot button socio-economic issues have hardly been tackled in five years. They include epileptic power supply, high level of unemployment, naira’s poor exchange rate against foreign currencies, collapse of the four oil refineries and the resultant total reliance on refined fuel imports. Medical tourism abroad was not helped by poor health services within the country.

Insecurity has also been a very big if in Buhari’s five years in office. As a General who fought in the Civil War, many thought Buhari had a magic wand to end the Boko Haram war, which has raged for a decade. Despite many reorganisations in military formations and financial commitments to weapons purchases, the insurgents are yet to be completely defeated. In recent weeks though, the army personally led by Chief of Staff Lt General Buratai seems to be making headway against the insurgents.

Eruption in internal insecurity all over the country, especially kidnapping and large-scale rural banditry in the populous North West, eclipsed even the Boko Haram war as a top national concern. Violent farmer-herder clashes in the North Central states, inter-communal clashes in several states and rising insecurity in the South West all combined to throw the Buhari administration out of gear and pose for it a serious perception problem among citizens.

On top of that, Buhari’s health became a major issue when he spent eight months in a foreign hospital in 2017. He was also assailed when he couldn’t deliver on some of his campaign promises to publicly declare assets, sell presidential aircraft and shun foreign hospitals. More trenchantly, the administration was accused of having a regional slant in key appointments, especially of heads of security agencies. Although the Buhari presidency argues that its own tally shows that South got more appointees than the North, the accusations still persist.

In the administration’s first years, Buhari had very good working relations with Vice President Osinbajo. This relationship deteriorated last year when many of the VP’s personal staff were transferred out, some of his functions were taken away and key agencies under his supervision were transferred to a new ministry. Osinbajo is now barely seen on the public stage.

The most often-repeated charge against the Buhari Presidency was that his late Chief of Staff, Malam Abba Kyari, had an overbearing influence to a point that others accuse of him being the surrogate president.

Five years into securing their status as ruling party, APC is still acting like opposition party. Minister and appointees always clashing in public

To forget your childhood friends most times isn’t deliberate. It’s just a natural progression in life. It’s even worse if you reside in different town or city very far away from them. I find it so easy and more convenient to pick a phone and call a colleagues I met in my line of work or biz for an outing or for enquiry. And from their you establish closer bonds, and friendship that opens up more opportunities, money, chances and collaborations for career progressive activities and all. Deep down inside I always assure myself I will find time and see them anytime the thought or picture of one of my childhood friends appear in my mind which I hardly do. And the more u do this, the further apart u become. May God just bless everybody with money and a good career so that these long letters and thoughts will cease

One thing u need to consider is that the so called job security in MDAs in Nigeria does not guarantee social security which is ultimate. Even after retirement, your gratuity and pension are nothing to write home about and very difficult to access because of bottlenecks and corruption. Just be deligent pursue you inter-ministerial transfer which likely guarantees higher income and then use that income pursue Travel plans. Good luck!

Am worried about the name of the committee or agency. The name Anti Tax Agency gives the impression that they are against Tax as a whole. The mandate of the agency is to exempt certain businesses and persons from paying tax. In my opinion the name of the agency is misconceiving. It would have read, Cross River Tax Exemption or Reform Agency or something close to this