Watine una dey smoke for here hope say no be cheap drugs oooooooooooooooooooooo

igbos ARE the most handsome no homo but so are the women i mean DAMN lmfao (very manly looking people)

YORUBAS are the cutest

the difference between cute and handsome

igbos are handsome- if igbo man has a daughter she will look handsome also or considered to be fine
i've never seen a cute or pretty igbo, just  very handsome and fine ass hell, i haven't seen any ugly ones either

yorubas are cute- if yoruba man has a daughter, girl can look like the father and still be considered cute or pretty ya kno or atleast womenly even if shes ugly.

igbos have big faces and heads, stocky, even when skinny ,big hands, and yorubas have more womenly features , slim faces, slim bodies, big lips, skinny bones ,  somtimes you will see a fat yoruba man with big thighs and yansh with skinny legs , manly ass igbos,  womanly ass yorubas LMFAO

Kia this na gay yarnings o guy take time o

Very funny thread

Stop decieving yourselves religion is a tool for mind control what if you where told that all that you have been told about religion is a lie.

Should Igbos Join Yoruba And Hausa To "Come And Eat" In The Delta
Have often wondered why Igbos have to seek justice and fairness in Nigeria all the time. Why can't Igbos simply just join the Yorubas and Hausas to exploit the Niger delta? Why can't Igbos just forget about fairness for once. It is obvious that no one is appreciating Igbo efforts at moving Nigeria forward through fairness. Someone here even referenced Charles Chukwuma Soludo as another example of Igbo greed! The best Central Bank of Nigeria Governor in my lifetime is termed a greedy man! Haba!
Nigeria is already moving from making the Naira "a reference currency in Africa" to amassing foreign debt again within a few months of Soludo's ouster.
I think the question is, can Ndigbo just forget about justice and fairness for once and simply join the feast, even if the host turns into Somaliland.

NA LUCIFER GO BLESS THAT HAND WEY YOU TAKE TYPE THIS POST.
NA OGBANJE SPIRIT NIA GO BLESS YOU WELL WELL
ASIWIN

The time bomb is ticking very soon the north is afraid that the Niger Delta has woken up and we know the game plan.

Small problem with the map you have to remove the Biafra part fast oooooooooooooo

Guy you are delusioned and you are living in a fantasy come out of it.
Nobody is anti ibo it is your insecurity that is betraying you.

If you fecthed ant-infested firewoods, you'll be asking lizards and other ant eaters to visit you.
How do you expect a discussion about Adaka Boro to go without exposing the man for what he really was .

Naijaking1 you are very funny i must say at least he tried he fought for something.You that is castigating the man boro what have you fought for in your life and you have the guts to open your smelling stinking mouth to vomit rubbish.
He stood up against the system at that time.
we are in 2009 and you moroons are still dwelling in the past.
You shit heads that have been saying rubbish what have you done to better the situation nothing.
You all are waste of space.
You people are not worthy enough to clean adaka boro's boots.
You sit behind your computer in you dingy little room and spew trash.

He his and still the greatest example of man that stood up against the system in the whole of Nigeria.
You guys are bunch of F##king sell outs.

If nigeria was like that nobody will travel out

In Igboland, a wise woman is traditionally recognized as a man. She can even "marry" another woman!

Olboy that na lesbo talk o so u mean say igbo tradition dey allow woman marry woman kia abomination i cast that spirit abra dra gra jajaja spiritus holy water fire

Fellow nigerians this is not a case of we vs against them haba this was a piece i got from the internet that i wanted to share with you guys must you people always burn the fire of tribalism.
maxsiollun much respect nice piece keep it up.

Heal yourself first before you talk about healing nigeria abi u hummmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm

hahahahahahaha una go kill man o kia i dey roll for ground as i dey read all this crap hahahaha at least the cold don comot 4 my body shay nija una 2 much.

Welcome to Biafra Republic of Nairaland.

Defense and otumokpo specialist

MASSOB claims the entire oil-rich Niger Delta as part of its proposed Biafra territory.
That is a big problem which can and will never happen.

At a checkpoint at what used to be the middle of the runway,

heavily armed and grim-looking soldiers search passing vehicles and

people for weapons and signs of membership of the Movement for the

Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra, which since 1999

has been trying to revive the campaign for independence in

south-eastern Nigeria.Flights into the Uga air strip, deep in a

forest belt, helped sustain for 30 months the first, failed attempt

by the main Igbo ethnic group of this region to create an

independent Biafra Republic between 1967-1970.Between one million

and three million people are estimated to have died, mostly through

starvation, in a war that drew international attention.Even today,

"Biafra" and "hunger" are linked in the minds of many around the

world who may not even know where the fighting took place.STRIKING

A CHORD MASSOB, led by 48-year-old lawyer Ralph Uwazurike, has

struck chords among many Igbo - but most of them are too young to

have witnessed the horrors of Biafra.Clashes between federal

security forces and MASSOB militants, though, have rekindled fear

among Igbos who remember the war.Igbos claim they have been treated

like second-class citizens and discriminated against since their

defeat in the civil war."It is not an accident that no Igbo man has

been at the top in the military or security services since the end

of the war despite our large population," said 25-year-old MASSOB

activist, Uche Okpala."Everything done in Nigeria by the powers

that be is done to our disadvantage," he said."So we might as well

have our separate country since we're not wanted in

Nigeria."President Olusegun Obasanjo's government has not hidden

its concern at the growing influence of the estimated two

million-strong MASSOB, among the most vociferous of several

separatist movements increasingly questioning the unity of Africa's

most populous country.Uwazurike was arrested last year and, along

with other ethnic and militia leaders, currently faces trial for

treason.Uwazurike's followers have grown increasingly militant

since his arrest.Street clashes with the police have grown more

frequent across south-eastern Nigeria, claiming dozens of

lives.Witnesses have reported the emergence of arms-bearing cadres

of MASSOB in recent times despite the group's claim of

non-violence.Troops were ordered in against the group in July as

violent clashes between the separatists and police in the city of

Onitsha spilled over into surrounding rural towns, including

Uga.Soldiers working with police have restored a semblance of order

following what rights groups and residents described as a

heavy-handed crackdown.But tension remains high as the soldiers fan

out into rural communities like Uga in search of MASSOB

members.ETHNICITY Igbos are one of the three biggest of Nigeria's

more than 250 ethnic groups.The Igbos, the Hausa-Fulani of the

north and the Yoruba of the southwest number each number more than

40 million in a country cccprone to cracking along ethnic and

religious lines.When military officers, most of them Igbo, toppled

a northern-dominated civilian government six years after

independence in 1966, it set off a bitter, ethnic power struggle.In

the political violence that followed an estimated 50 000 Igbos were

massacred in northern cities and the Igbo military officer leading

the government was toppled and killed by northern

officers.Chukwuemeka Ojukwu, who had been appointed military

governor of the southeast after the first coup, refused to

recognise the new, northern-dominated military government.Backed by

aggrieved fellow Igbos, he declared an independent state of Biafra,

named after the Bight of Biafra, the Atlantic bay in the region's

south.While Ojukwu's secession was declared in the heat of the

passion that followed the events of the 1960s, Uwazurike's MASSOB

began with non-violent protests against perceived

discrimination.Despite government promises of national

reconciliation, no Igbo has risen to the top of the military or the

police since the Biafra war ended and the region appears to have

benefited less from infrastructure development when compared to the

north and the southwest.Uwazurike, the MASSOB leader, considers

Ojukwu his personal hero and inspiration.There are Igbos who fear

the separatist stance stirs the suspicions of other ethnic groups,

and could bring military reprisals."Anybody who is talking of

Biafra needs to have his head examined," said Sylvester Obi, a

62-year-old retired civil engineer and resident of Uga.During the

war, Uga was the target of daily air raids by the Nigerian air

force.In Onitsha, the entire Fegge district, considered a MASSOB

stronghold, was emptied of its estimated 30 000 residents for

several weeks in August following rumours the military planned to

bombard the place after repeated clashes there with

separatists.People only returned after the local governor went on

radio and television to reassure them of their safety, said Fegge

resident Emeka Ahurudike."When some MASSOB members attempted to

reopen their office in Fegge they were attacked by an angry mob,"

said Ahurudike.Two separatists were killed by the war-weary mob, he

said.The separatist unrest feeds into other volatile currents that

have been heating up across Nigeria in recent years.The nation is

even more unsettled these days because general elections planned

for next year mean politicians are more likely to play up ethnic

and other divisions in hopes of building support.VOLATILE In the

nearby Niger delta oil region, militancy is growing among the Ijaw

ethnic group.Attacks on oil installations and hostage-taking

targeting oil workers have cut more than a quarter of Nigeria's oil

production this year.Oil had partly fuelled the civil war in the

late 1960s after then rebel leader Ojukwu included the delta's oil

fields in Biafra.But the ethnic minorities in the delta, fearing

Igbo domination, did not back Biafra.Now, both the majority Igbo

and the minority groups of the entire oil-producing southeast,

including the Niger Delta, share a common feeling of having been

oppressed by federal might.Demands in the southeast range from

greater local control of power and wealth to outright

secession.MASSOB claims the entire oil-rich Niger Delta as part of

its proposed Biafra territory.Ojukwu, an Oxford-trained historian,

spent 13 years in exile after the war and returned after a pardon,

publicly committed to a united Nigeria.He leads the All Progressive

Grand Alliance, a political party that has been successful in the

region.While often stressing he is not a member of MASSOB, the

72-year-old Ojukwu does not distance himself from its

aspirations.He told reporters recently: "Biafra is always an

alternative

Having listened to Ralph Uwazurike, and observed him at close range, I endeavored to assess him objectively. My assessment of him left me tugged by conflicting opinions of the man and his mission. On the one hand, he has obvious limitations that will naturally impair his leadership of any serious movement. Secondly, his reliance on nonviolent means for actualizing an independent nation of Biafra is too romantic - imaginative - an grotesque perception of reality. Moreover, I am opposed to any attempt at the dissolution of Nigeria. However, I cannot help respecting his courage, intrepidity, and an unwavering commitment to a cause, qualities that have been almost extinct amongst the Igbo for the past 30 years.



I attended the inauguration of the Biafran House in Washington, DC strictly as an observer. It provided me with the first opportunity to listen to Ralph Uwazurike, and to watch him very closely. His speech was as unimpressive as it was disturbing. Early, I had thought that neo-Biafranism, despite all its quixotism, was the work of a sober and reflective crusader on a planned mission, with carefully articulated strategies and objectives. But his speech, and the aura about him revealed an impetus man dabbling recklessly into an issue with potentially momentous consequences.



“Initially, I did not know what I was doing”, he said, but, as democracy allows self expression, “I decided to express myself”. He lacks both charisma and oratorical flourishes. He is neither a scholar nor an intellectual, a philosopher nor a deep thinker, a sophisticate nor a cosmopolitan. He is a homespun boyish looking man, with an air of arrogance, or the self-importance of a parvenu gloating in his new found prominence. Secondly, I am in complete disagreement with both his method and his goal. The thought that the Igbo can secede from Nigeria through nonviolence methods is fantastic absurdity.



Mahatma Ghandi effectively fashioned the principle of nonviolence against the British colonial authorities in India. Martin Luther King Jr adopted it in the Black American quest for racial equality in American. In India, the goal was to cast off the colonial yoke of an imperial power already in decline. It was deployed in defiance of a global system, colonialism, that was made untenable by the geopolitical and ideological fallouts of the second World War. In the United States of America, Martin Luther King’s motif was to appeal to the conscience of a nation founded on the foundations of freedom and justice. He was technically not breaking the law, but urging America to live up to her creed, and uphold the ideals of her constitution. The American creed holds that “it is self-evident that all men are created equal”, and the American constitution guarantees the individual’s unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. So, in India, the emergent world order predisposed Ghandi’s success, and in America, Martin Luther King‘s objectives were in conformity with the laws of the land, to sensitize mainstream Americans to the plight of the American minorities, and to get America attempting to rise to her professed belief in equality of opportunity, and social justice.



In Nigeria, secession is an anathema, and the talk about it is heresy. Already, Nigerians have already fought a gruesome war against secession. Her constitution is unequivocal in its stance against the break up of the country. Secession goes against the grain of the Nigerian society, and it violates the visceral convictions of the generality of Nigerians. It stands in transgression of the Nigeria constitution. So, secession will involve the repudiation of the collective will of Nigerians, trampling of the law, and assaulting the battlements of the powers that be; and these cannot be done peacefully. It must involve a war. More than 30 years later, the Igbo are still reeling from the ravages wrought by the earlier war of secession. They are definitely not in the mood for another war. The power structure is even more skewed against the Igbo today than 30 years ago. If, for the Igbo, the previous war was a saga of human misery, today, another war of secession will be an account of suicide.



Undoubtedly, the history of Nigeria is a treatise on Hausa/Fulani hegemony. It is their studied arrogation to themselves the exclusive right to power that is the bane of Nigeria politics. More than any other ethnic group in Nigerian, the Igbo have suffered this scourge of Nigerian politics. They have been victims of disenfranchisement, pogroms, bigotry and dispossession. The Igbo’s desires are simple and most fundamental - peace, social justice, and security - an environment that will enable them to fulfill their enormous potentials, and apply their cultural skills. The question is can the Igbo attain these aspirations while remaining part of a united Nigeria? Yes, because Nigeria, in spite of all her woes, is not a morass of feuding ethnic groups, and conflicting social interests, perilously hurtling towards disintegration. Nigeria is a colossus of unrealized potentials - a somnolent giant in need of awakening, a floundering ship groping for direction, a tottering democracy in search of stability, a downtrodden populace hungering for a good life, and longing for social justice. Essentially, Nigeria is a leaderless country pining for leadership.



The ills of Nigeria, for the most part can be resolved by responsible leadership. It can rightly be argued that there are limits to what a leader can do, that he can only lead within the parameters already defined by the society. However, history has demonstrated that leadership can always make the dramatic difference. Leadership sets the moral tone, defines the national mood, forges the national purpose. In the words of Sir Robert Thompson, “national power equals applied resources plus manpower times will - and a nation draws its will principally from the example of its leaders.” Not surprisingly, leadership has lifted countries from: the pits of hopelessness and despair to the pedestal of hope and renewed optimism, the abyss of weakness and helplessness to new heights of strength and grandeur, the quagmire of corruption and moral decadence to high standards of probity and decency, the throes of anarchy and social injustice to a new dawn of the rule of law and social justice, shackling civic indolence and greed to liberating patriotism and selflessness, etc. The problems of the Nigerian society, including the suffocating circumscription of the Igbo, are problems that can be resolved by good leadership, because responsible leaders will rise to the object of government which is “to right wrong, to do justice, to serve man”.



However, in spite of my problem with the persona of Uwazuruike, his philosophy and stated objectives, I cannot help doffing my hat for his passionate determination. He has refused to be cowed by the threats of punishments, or swayed by the government’s blandishments. He has been threatened, harassed, shot at, arrested and detained, yet, he has not flinched in his dedication to his cause. He is prepared to risk his life for his belief. Thomas Masaryk, the founder of modern Czechoslovakia, once wrote that “great political and social changes begin to be possible as soon as men are not afraid to risk their lives.” The past 30 years must have shown the Igbo that political passivity is futile. It only erodes your political relevance, leaving you in a lurch, where “your friends take you for granted and your enemies despise you.” The Igbo have been sniveling, whimpering and whining over “marginalization”, as though power is ever gotten on a silver platter. Frederick Douglas, rightly stated that “power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did, and it never will. Therefore, to profess to favor freedom, and yet depreciate agitation is to want crops without plowing the ground, ”



So, despite the dilettantism of its leadership and the impracticability of its objectives, MASSOB remains a necessary political force, because the Igbo need agitators. Political activism, even if by a renegade group with extremist demands avails more than a culture of political docility. Secondly, MASSOB embodies some indispensable qualities for a people’s political progress: courage, volunteerism, determination. In addition, MASSOB may do for mainstream Igbo leadership what the student uprisings of the 1970s, and the radicalization of the anti-apartheid movements in South Africa did for the African National Congress (ANC), and what the Palestinian Intifada did for the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), that is legitimize it, and make it more relevant. The radical anti- apartheid movements made it evident that apartheid was a grandiose illusion destined for a grand failure, and presented the ANC to the apartheid government as the best partner in the search for peace in South Africa. The Intifada dramatized to the Israeli government the futility of occupation, and that it was inescapable to deal with the PLO, which was then completely ineffective after being dislodged from Beirut, and exiled to Tunisia.



Ojukwu’s presence at the event was a bathos. Clad in a brownish suit and black loafers, he looked more of an avuncular congregant than a separatist activist. A master of claptraps, his speech was devoid of substance. It was a rodomontade laced with epigrams. Uwazuruike’s neo-Biafranism, despite its unrealism, still represents something new among the Igbo: sacrifice, commitment, tenacity. Ojukwu, on the other hand, personifies opportunism, desertion and political blundering. Since his return from exile, he has been a powerful tool for northern hegemony, kowtowing mindlessly to the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), Bashir Tofa and Sani Abacha, and strengthening the same evil, that the Igbo fought against at such a colossal cost. So, why his identification with MASSOB, a group espousing Igbo emancipation, that is emancipation from his own northern masters. What was actually his purpose of being there, a sleuth for his northern masters, or angling for any bounty that may accrue to the MASSOB movement?



Then, it was the vitamin’s (Ojukwu had jokingly referred to his wife as the vitamin that keeps him young) turn to speak. His vitamin is dazzlingly beautiful. Attired in a purple lace outfit, she stood poised and dignified. For a one time beauty queen, and a lady with the guts and independent-mindedness to defy tradition, parental authority and societal expectations, to cling to the man of her love, she is surprisingly diaphanous, transparently good natured and humble. Her speech was devoid of frills and embellishments. She spoke with almost child-like innocence and plainness.



Both Uwazuruike and Ojukwu were about four hours late. Tired of waiting, members of the Biafran Foundation (BAF) led by Prof Enekwachi proceeded to cut the tape, and declare the Biafran House open. Speaking after the cutting of the tape, Prof Enekwachi was interrupted by an Arab man who claimed he was born in Nigeria. This man said that he is opposed to the break up of Nigeria, that the different ethnic groups of Nigerian should strive to resolve their differences within a unified country. To my chagrin, he was literally attacked, physically by the group. I was appalled by this glaring act of hypocrisy, a hypocrisy that has been the hallmark of Nigerian society.



The Igbo, Hausa and Yoruba all rail against the evils of tribalism, whereas they are all guilty of tribalism. Gun toting military dictators plot against legitimate governments, and shoot their way into power, and then believe they have the moral authority to execute those who allegedly plotted against their own government for treason. The BAF members are supposedly freedom activists, but will readily brutalize a man who dared to exercise his own liberty. So, as the Biafran flag, a symbol of the freedom of expression, flutters from the Biafran House in Washington DC, the capital of the world’s bastion of freedom and liberty, I have an advise for BAF, practice what you preach.

Do your research people

Niger Delta armed insurrection did not begin with MEND, Okah or Asari-Dokubo.  Decades before them an Ijaw nationalist named Isaac Boro led an armed campaign for greater Niger Delta autonomy, resource control and self determination for the inhabitants of the Niger Delta.  So who was Boro, and what was his story?

The Background of Isaac Adaka Boro

Boro was an Ijaw nationalist that burned within with passionate zeal to remedy the injustice that minority ethnicities in the Delta suffered in a Nigerian state dominated by the large ethnic groups.  Boro noted that “most of the youths were so frustrated with the general neglect that they were ready for any action led by an outstanding leader to gain liberty…. we were clenched in tyrannical chains and led through a dark alley of perpetual political and social deprivation. Strangers in our own country! Inevitably, therefore, the day would have to come for us to fight for our long-denied right to self-determination”. He complained at the economic and material neglect of the Niger Delta:

“Economic development of the area is certainly the most appalling aspect. There is not even a single industry. The only fishery industry which ought to be situated in a properly riverine area is sited about 80 miles inland at Aba. The boatyard at Opobo had its headquarters at Enugu … Personnel in these industries and also in the oil stations are predominantly non-Ijaw,”

After briefly working as a teacher Boro joined the police and worked in Port Harcourt.  However Boro’s maverick nature saw him go AWOL and start working as an instructor at the Man O’War Bay Character and Leadership Center in Victoria, Western Cameroon.  He was fired from his police job for going AWOL.

Upon his return to Nigeria Boro enrolled at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, to study chemistry.  While there he became president of the students’ union.  His itchy feet managed to stay at university for two years before he once again departed, this time on a tour to solicit support for the Ijaw cause.  His journey saw him head to Ghana (in the company of Samuel Owonaru) to solicit financial aid for his mission to liberate and gain self autonomy for the people of the Niger Delta.  He was also an admirer of Cuban leader Fidel Castro and made a stop at the Cuban embassy in Ghana to claim solidarity.  However Boro and Owonaru’s appeals for Cuban support were unsuccessful and they were ejected from the embassy.

However Boro was not dissuaded.  He and Owonaru returned home and with their comrade Nottingham privates, and began to recruit young men to their cause under the umbrella of an organisation known as the Niger Delta Volunteer Force (NDVF).  They eventually set up a military camp at Taylor Creek.  Their recruits were given training in the use of firearms and explosives in the creeks and bushes.  privates served as the “chief of army staff” and “adjutant”.  Eventually they managed to muster a force of about 150 men split into three “divisions”.

ARMED CONFLICT

On February 23, 1966 the three divisions moved out from their Touton Ban camp with Boro, Onwonaru and privates as their divisional commanders.  Before going into battle the troops were given a rallying call:

“ Today is a great day, not only in your lives, but also in the history of the Niger Delta. Perhaps, it will be the greatest day for a very long time. This is not because we are going to bring the heavens down, but because we are going to demonstrate to the world what and how we feel about oppression….Remember your 70 year old grandmother who still farms to eat, remember also your poverty stricken people and then, remember too, your petroleum which is being pumped out daily from your veins, and then fight for your freedom”.

The NDVF men attacked a police station at Yenagoa, raided the armoury and kidnapped some officers including the police officer in command of the station. They also blew up oil pipelines, engaged the police in a gunfight and declared the Niger Delta an independent republic. The revolt was suppressed and Boro, Owonaru and privates were put on trial on a 9 count charge of treason at Port Harcourt Assizes before Judge Phil Ebosie.  Boro was found guilty.  Before sentencing Boro made an impassioned plea of defiance.  He claimed that his people:

“had long sought a separate state not because they loved power but because their conditions were peculiar and the authorities did not understand their problems.  There is nothing wrong with Nigeria.  What is wrong with us is the total lack of mercy in our activities.”

DEATH AND BEYOND

Despite his plea Boro was sentenced to death by hanging.  In the melee of crisis and conflict in 1966 Nigeria, the sentence was not carried out and he was pardoned by then Nigerian Head of State General Gowon.  When war broke out in 1967, Boro surprisingly enlisted and fought on the side of the federal Nigerian forces against whom he campaigned.  He was killed in action on May 17, 1968 aged just 32.  He was buried in Lagos at the Ikoyi cemetery.  His widow Georeie Deyeha Adaka Boro is still alive.  She was pregnant with their child Deborah when her husband was killed, and gave birth to Deborah after her husband’s death.

No be yoke o

More

This 1 be like juju when dem just release

Juju no dey fit hold this kin one na 1 hand straight to lucifer

U dey c dis gbosa OPC OPC HUMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMM

We know that the average African, the average despot, the average dictator in Africa, cannot just use dialogue. It won't work. Take Mobutu Sese Seko or Omar Bongo, those people don't understand dialogue. So we need to combine dialogue with very firm action. (, ) the average black man does not understand non-violence. I'm not trying to run down my own people, I'm a black man myself, but it's our nature."

Is this true black man no dey understand english unles u carry cane follow am na wah o

OPC / YCE make una take time o

Dealer dealer abeg i dey go roll one fat jumbo now shay my head dey shake o hahahaha